Degeneration of Democracy in Tower Hamlets: What did Abbas Uddin "do"?

Degeneration of Democracy in Tower Hamlets: What did Abbas Uddin "do"?
By © Muhammad Haque
1612 [1552] [1521] Hrs GMT London Saturday 24 May 2014.
HOW Tower Hamlets Labour Party Degenerated out of political existence: Part 1
March 2010:
As we stood momentarily at the entrance to the Brady Centre in Hanbury Street (off Brick Lane London E1), I asked Abbas Uddin "Helal" to tell me what he was doing as "the leader" of the "Tower Hamlets Labour Party".
Abbas Uddin “Helal” was a very busy man.
He has always been a very busy man.
Although I have known him as a “Tower Hamlets resident” for decades, note that word “DECADES”, I have not been able to get him to sit down and talk about the Community for even a good hour in all that time!
What does that say?
I tried to talk to him in October 2004, shortly after the “Cabinet” had “discussed” a report about Crossrail. Abbas Uddin “Helal” promised to sit down with me. When he did sit down, he was “busy”. So I could never get to tell him why he should pay attention and work with the Community.
He said it was “the Party’s decision” to take whatever stand the Tower Hamlets Council was taking on Crossrail.
Because of that, I organised the first EVER open demonstration against “the Council” later that month, on Friday 22 October 2004.

Just how did “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” degenerate out of political existence? Answer: That has had a great deal to do with the likes of its “leading” members typified by Helal Uddin “Abbas”.

Isn’t it astonishing that I am saying that I have not been able to get Helal Uddin “Abbas” to sit down and talk with me for even one hour in DECADES! Back to the start of this Commentary at the entrance to the Brady Centre.

Here is what I said to Abbas: I foresee that the “YES” campaign for a mayor system in Tower Hamlets will get the stamp if we don’t mobilise the Community to say NO. What are you doing? Abbas: I don’t think they will. We are doing the necessary to stop them. Muhammad Haque: Are you sure, Abbas? Abbas: Yes, Bhaisab!

I did not find that assurance representative of the evidence that I was seeing in the Community. There was no activities by the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” at all about the implications of changing the Council from one of collective democratic organisation to an individual dictatorial undemocratic way.

True, the Labour Party “did” hold meetings. But every single one of those was contrived. And it appeared that Abbas did not want to hold meetings in every part of the Borough. Like in the Whitechapel Ward!

I was forever on the phone at the time with the sole purpose of finding out what, if any, the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” was doing by way of mobilising a campaign to secure a NO result over the then moving “referendum” that George Galloway had been involved in starting.

Everyone I contacted within the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” pointed me to “Abbas”. Abbas proved forever elusive, hard to get hold of or when contacted at last, reluctant to answer the urgent questions that mattered. It was not long before evidence emerged that Abbas Uddin had NOT wanted a NO vote in fact.

Question: Why? Because HE wanted to be the elected Mayor himself! That was around March 2010. [To be continued]



Degeneration of Democracy in Tower Hamlets: What did Abbas Uddin "do"?

Degeneration of Democracy in Tower Hamlets: What did Abbas Uddin "do"?
By © Muhammad Haque
1612 [1552] [1521] Hrs GMT London Saturday 24 May 2014.
HOW Tower Hamlets Labour Party Degenerated out of political existence: Part 1
March 2010:
As we stood momentarily at the entrance to the Brady Centre in Hanbury Street (off Brick Lane London E1), I asked Abbas Uddin "Helal" to tell me what he was doing as "the leader" of the "Tower Hamlets Labour Party".
Abbas Uddin “Helal” was a very busy man.
He has always been a very busy man.
Although I have known him as a “Tower Hamlets resident” for decades, note that word “DECADES”, I have not been able to get him to sit down and talk about the Community for even a good hour in all that time!
What does that say?
I tried to talk to him in October 2004, shortly after the “Cabinet” had “discussed” a report about Crossrail. Abbas Uddin “Helal” promised to sit down with me. When he did sit down, he was “busy”. So I could never get to tell him why he should pay attention and work with the Community.
He said it was “the Party’s decision” to take whatever stand the Tower Hamlets Council was taking on Crossrail.
Because of that, I organised the first EVER open demonstration against “the Council” later that month, on Friday 22 October 2004.

Just how did “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” degenerate out of political existence? Answer: That has had a great deal to do with the likes of its “leading” members typified by Helal Uddin “Abbas”.

Isn’t it astonishing that I am saying that I have not been able to get Helal Uddin “Abbas” to sit down and talk with me for even one hour in DECADES! Back to the start of this Commentary at the entrance to the Brady Centre.

Here is what I said to Abbas: I foresee that the “YES” campaign for a mayor system in Tower Hamlets will get the stamp if we don’t mobilise the Community to say NO. What are you doing? Abbas: I don’t think they will. We are doing the necessary to stop them. Muhammad Haque: Are you sure, Abbas? Abbas: Yes, Bhaisab!

I did not find that assurance representative of the evidence that I was seeing in the Community. There was no activities by the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” at all about the implications of changing the Council from one of collective democratic organisation to an individual dictatorial undemocratic way.

True, the Labour Party “did” hold meetings. But every single one of those was contrived. And it appeared that Abbas did not want to hold meetings in every part of the Borough. Like in the Whitechapel Ward!

I was forever on the phone at the time with the sole purpose of finding out what, if any, the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” was doing by way of mobilising a campaign to secure a NO result over the then moving “referendum” that George Galloway had been involved in starting.

Everyone I contacted within the “Tower Hamlets Labour Party” pointed me to “Abbas”. Abbas proved forever elusive, hard to get hold of or when contacted at last, reluctant to answer the urgent questions that mattered. It was not long before evidence emerged that Abbas Uddin had NOT wanted a NO vote in fact.

Question: Why? Because HE wanted to be the elected Mayor himself! That was around March 2010. [To be continued]



The SPECTATOR joins the latest phase of attacks on Tower Hamlets, the Community

The SPECTATOR joins the latest phase of attacks on Tower Hamlets, the Community
1525 [1520] [1518] Hrs GMT London Sunday 13 April 2014

Noting the SPECTATOR having a go at "Tower Hamlets" . More on the SPECTATOR's role.

Here is a comment posted on the SPECTATOR web site that exposes the outfit's affiliation to Boris Johnson.

"You, Sebastian Payne, must be a product of the distorted imagination of a really toxic decomposition of the Neo Con Lib Dumb Laboured idiocy about Society.

How else could you write something so totally ignorant & contradictory as follows?

“The jury is still out on how successful elected mayors are in Britain — compare the rebirth of Bristol to the divisive regime of Tower Hamlets. But with ever-decreasing turnouts and the rapid rise of Ukip, our mainstream parties, politicians and institutions are no longer catering to the needs of voters. Powerful mayors may well be the solution Britain is waiting for.”

You give no evidence for any aspect of your idiotic assertion as you illogically conclude “Powerful mayors may well be the solution Britain is waiting for”!

How crass!

“Power” over who?

“Power” as against what absence of power?

Not a surprise then that you do not countenance accountability,m transparency, audit let alone the needs day to day of ordinary people, in Bristol or in Tower Hamlets.

Given that Boris Johnson has been manufactured by the PR project for the Neo Cons that includes the Spectator, the Daily Telegraph, it is very creepy that you have nothing to say by way of analysis on the disaster that has been the London Mayor!"

[To be continued]







The SPECTATOR joins the latest phase of attacks on Tower Hamlets, the Community

The SPECTATOR joins the latest phase of attacks on Tower Hamlets, the Community
1525 [1520] [1518] Hrs GMT London Sunday 13 April 2014

Noting the SPECTATOR having a go at "Tower Hamlets" . More on the SPECTATOR's role.

Here is a comment posted on the SPECTATOR web site that exposes the outfit's affiliation to Boris Johnson.

"You, Sebastian Payne, must be a product of the distorted imagination of a really toxic decomposition of the Neo Con Lib Dumb Laboured idiocy about Society.

How else could you write something so totally ignorant & contradictory as follows?

“The jury is still out on how successful elected mayors are in Britain — compare the rebirth of Bristol to the divisive regime of Tower Hamlets. But with ever-decreasing turnouts and the rapid rise of Ukip, our mainstream parties, politicians and institutions are no longer catering to the needs of voters. Powerful mayors may well be the solution Britain is waiting for.”

You give no evidence for any aspect of your idiotic assertion as you illogically conclude “Powerful mayors may well be the solution Britain is waiting for”!

How crass!

“Power” over who?

“Power” as against what absence of power?

Not a surprise then that you do not countenance accountability,m transparency, audit let alone the needs day to day of ordinary people, in Bristol or in Tower Hamlets.

Given that Boris Johnson has been manufactured by the PR project for the Neo Cons that includes the Spectator, the Daily Telegraph, it is very creepy that you have nothing to say by way of analysis on the disaster that has been the London Mayor!"

[To be continued]







BHANGEELAAR! No to Elecetd executuve mayor system AND No to Racists plotting in TH

BHANGEELAAR! No to Elecetd executuve mayor system AND No to Racists plotting in TH
1435 Hrs GMT London Sunday 13 April 2014.

BHANGEELAAR! Exclusive, original and detailed tweets diagnosing the latest assault on the Community by No 10 Downing Street colluding with Andrew Gilligan at the DailY Telegraph Media Group.

The assault is IN THE FACT that neither Cameron nor Gilligan [seen in this montage by BHANGEELAAR!] has a single word to say about the basic democratic needs of ordinary people in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets. More here in the course of the day.

Time to make Tower Hamlets Council accountable to the people of Tower Hamlets

Time to make Tower Hamlets Council accountable to the people of Tower Hamlets
The BHANGEELAAR! Campaign, part of the Movement Defending the Community in the East End of London, is represented by Muhammad Haque. [ Saturday 6 February 2010] Also seen is the lone Lid Dem Councillor on Tower Hamlets Coun cil, Stephanie Eaton, also speaking with a loud hailer backing the NO-to-an-elected-execuive-mayor call. Stephanie Eaton has become a supporter of the Mayor system as well as of the “incumbent” Lutfur Rahman as seen on many occasions in the past four years


The BBC Panorama programme failed to deliver . Too timid, lacked rigour. No tempo! 0712 [0602] GMT London Tuesday 01 April 2014 BHANGEELAAR! the Campaign against an elected executive mayor system in Tower Hamlets. The Contextual review of the BBC’s overhyped, oversold Panorama programme as transmitted on Monday 31 March 2014 -1 Oversold over-hyped Panorama failed to deliver the scrutiny or investigation into Tower Hamlets-1 Someone did a modest re-design on the Panorama logo That displays the extent of over=selling of the episode of the programme By © Muhammad Haque 0602 [0505] Hrs GMT London Tuesday 01 April 2014 That [quoted below] is what the BBC-issued TVGuide published by the likes of STV had boasted before the actual transmission of the episode of the Panorama programme on BBC One at 1930 GMT on Monday 31 March 2014. http://tvguide.stv.tv/show-details/?tvgListingID=400862917&tvgEpisodeID=30911309&tvgShowID=3633754&tvgTitle=The%20Mayor%20and%20Our%20Money%20-%20Panorama “The Mayor and Our Money – Panorama Up and down the country, directly-elected mayors control billions of pounds of public funds. But can this lead to too much power being concentrated into the hands of one politician? John Ware investigates the directly-elected mayor of Tower Hamlets in London – where opponents claim he’s used public funds both to promote himself and to create a local power base that, come election time this May, will help return him to office. Panorama reveals evidence suggesting that, under the mayoral system in Tower Hamlets, accountability and transparency have been put into reverse, with the mayor refusing to answer opposition questions about spending decisions involving millions of pounds of public money – and also how he has injected faith into politics.” Something must have changed between the writing of that hype and the actual final editing and airing of the Panorama episode. For the transmitted episode did not examine the “directly-elected mayors”. It gave no table, no stats, no evidence at all to compare or contrast the “directly-elecetd mayors” and the alternative system. There was no investigation into the state of “democracy” inside the Tower Hamlets Council. There was nothing at all about who had brought about the directly-elecetd mayor system in Tower Hamlets. And why. There was nothing at all about what any of the Opposition councillors had said about the system at all. Neither the Tower Hamlets Council’s Opposition Conservative group nor the Opposition Labour Party group leader was featured. No mentionable clip from the Council Meetings at all, except few seconds showing the Council’s Speaker Lesley Pavitt more than once and the Labour group deputy leader Rachel Saunders stating a very short question. There was no sign of what Tower Hamlets residents generally thought of the Tower Hamlets Council. No reference to the Community in the East End. No investigation into the relationship between Tower Hamlets council and the residents. It looked like a very very strange package. Whatever the BBC had hoped to show must have got seriously derailed at some point just before transmission. Or that the BBC never had done any of the investigations missing from their transmitted version. Which makes this episode of the Panorama as being disproportionately over-hyped and unjustifiably promoted as an investigation that it wasn’t! It did not reveal evidence that demonstrated that “under the mayoral system in Tower Hamlets, accountability and transparency have been put into reverse”. Perhaps the programme had found evidence to substantiate that claim but in the traumatised version that evidence was most emphatically not visible! Finally, this Panorama as transmitted, did not test the veracity of a single one of the claims made by Lutfur Rahman as included in the broadcast clips of the “interview”! This AADHIKRnline fotografixlriinal montage contains images from Saturday 6 February 2010 when the then Campaigners (for some time!!!) agains an elected Mayor system in Tower Hamlets demonstrated in the Hanbury Street, off Brick Lane. The BHANGEELAAR! Campaign, part of the Movement Defending the Community in the East End of London, is represented by Muhammad Haque. [ Saturday 6 February 2010] Also seen is the lone Lid Dem Councillor on Tower Hamlets Coun cil, Stephanie Eaton, also speaking with a loud hailer backing the NO-to-an-elected-execuive-mayor call. Stephanie Eaton has become a supporter of the Mayor system as well as of the “incumbent” Lutfur Rahman as seen on many occasions in the past four years. THIS BHANGEELAAR! diagnosis of the Council will be continued.

Leicester Mercury sheds light on a murky business by the "executive mayor"

Leicester Mercury sheds light on a murky business by the "executive mayor"
IMAGE of Peter Soulsby from the Leicester Mercury WEBSITE


QUESTIONABLE move by Peter Soulsby in Leicester flogging off Leicester public assets under bogus claims

REPORT RETRIEVED AADHIKAROnline the KHOODEELAAR! Campaign Defending the Community in the East End of London, from the Internet portal of LEICESTER MERCURY

Leicester mayor may sell up to 20 more council properties for £1 By Leicester Mercury |



Posted: March 13, 2014 By Dan Martin Leicester mayor Sir Peter Soulsby says up to 20 council-owned properties in Leicester could be sold Comments (27) Sir Peter Soulsby says up to 20 council-owned properties in Leicester could be sold to community groups for nominal sums such as £1. The mayor signalled his intention to councillors who questioned his decisions to dispose of two premises – worth £390,000 in total – for £1 each. Pakistan Youth and Community Association, in Highfields, will be allowed to buy the freehold of the £190,000 premises it has occupied for more than 15 years, while arts charity Leicester Print Workshop has been told it can buy a £200,000 property for £1 if it secures a £300,000 Arts Council grant to help renovate a warehouse in St George Street. Sir Peter has said the deals would help the organisations and, in the case of the workshop, draw in large amounts of investment.

However, councillors, including some of the mayor's Labour colleagues, have said the council should not be parting with valuable assets so cheaply. Sir Peter told his critics: "There have been significant transfers but the number has been quite limited.

"I intend there will be others."

Asked how many properties could be disposed of before next year's council and mayoral elections, he said: "I do not anticipate it will be a very large number but I do know there has been some interest expressed from other groups. "I would suggest it is somewhere between two and 20. "It depends on the level of interest and them being able to demonstrate they would benefit from having the freehold." He declined to say which buildings might be affected or how much they would be transferred for. Former Labour council leader Ross Willmott said: "I am generally not in favour of giving away, even for £1, any of the public assets we hold in trust on behalf of the citizens of Leicester. "The default should be we don't do that because we have been in businessfor several hundred years and are likely to stay in business, whereas community organisations come and go regularly." He said he would prefer groups be offered long leases rather than freehold transfers because once the deal had been done the asset was lost to the council and could be sold. Sir Peter said covenants could be placed to try to prevent that happening, but admitted they could be hard to enforce. He said the council's cash shortage meant it was often no longer possible to offer long-term grants to voluntary groups but giving them the freehold to properties of limited value to the council was a creative way of helping them. He said: "With the asset goes the revenue responsibility." Coun Sue Waddington said: "There's no value in giving away public assets. "There is no guarantee they will be used for what we want them to be used for." Liberal Democrat Nigel Porter said: "We should be trying to hang on to the assets because they are valuable. "I don't think we should be giving stuff away and certainly not 20 freeholds for a quid." Read more: http://www.leicestermercury.co.uk/City-mayor-sell-20-council-properties-pound-1/story-20802477-detail/story.html#ixzz2vsKvcvZn

BHANGEELAAR! challenging Tower Hamlets Council Tories to show they really care for democracy

BHANGEELAAR! challenging Tower Hamlets Council Tories to show they really care for democracy
BHANGEELAAR! challenging Tower Hamlets Council Tories to show that they really do care for a democratic borough:

BHANGEELAAR! The CAMPAIGN against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets

What should Peter Golds do now, realistically speaking? If he truly believes in the imperative that his regular pokes at the Council's bureaucracy suggests then we think that he really should join us and we can together progress the movement that can then expose the abusers now abusing our resources and our democratic rights in the Borough.
Peter Golds can do what we have been asking him since before October 2010 to do: openly and sustainably and reliably back our call for the full audit and the scrutiny of the sham referendum dated 06 May 2010.
We have called for an examination of the role that “Dr” Kevan Collins played in that corrupting charade of the ‘referendum’. As strategy, Peter Golds has been in fantasy land on the issue and, as the latest ‘defection’ from the Isle of Dogs area confirms, he is doomed to wither away as far as numbers go. Numbers of ‘elected councillors on Tower Hamlets Council’ that is.
So long as there is a cesspit of greed available with access to public facilities to feed the greedy ones there will be no end of takers for the careerist dope and the opportunistic lure. The only sure way to stop that is to remove the offensively undemocratic diversionary excuse that has been foisted on the people.
Why won’to Peter Golds have the courage to admit that and join us?
Or is he somehow too set in his prejudices to join with us? Would he RATHER let the remaining pretensions of democracy in Tower Hamlets slide out of all recognition than come onboard on the active and the pro-democratic movement that we have been running since 06 February 2010 on this front?
© Muhammad Haque
Honorary Organiser
BHANGEELAAR!
The CAMPAIGN against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets
1400 Hrs GMT Wednesday 03 August 2011
esday 03 August 2011

Muhammad Haque updates diagnosing Ken Livingstone's deeply flawed backing for an elected mayor

Muhammad Haque updates diagnosing Ken Livingstone's deeply flawed backing for an elected mayor
1425 [1415 ] Hrs GMT London Saturday 26 February 2011 Muhammad Haque London Commentary continuing the diagnostic update on Ken Livingstone's career plan in London. The following has appeared on the web site of the London DAILY TELEGRAPH in the last hour. the commentary contains a diagnostic of the morass that is tower hamlets council.. which has become even less democratic with the alleged adoption of an elected mayor thing than it had been before! The elected mayor thing was one of Ken Livingstone's zealously plugged 'models' for Tower Hamlets! QUOTING Muhammad Haque London Commentary on the London DAILY TELEGRAPH [Ed West’s blog] : Noting your cryptic aside about Ken Livingstone's 'disclaimer' [quoting:now why would he say that?], perhaps you will allow me to share this little historic update I am making today on Ken Livingstone's constantly changing stance on such matters as 'benefits' and 'rewards' and so on. I have examined the known evidence on Ken Livingstone's career in various London "elected” offices, all maintained and paid for by the people of London and I have yet to come across any independently verifiable entry of one single individual who is not linked with the 'personality' either via a job or a grant or some trade union or a 'patch' in electoral terms [such as, in recent years, the 'Muslims'] who has been a supporter of Ken Livingstone's career plan for the sheer principle of it! I am ethically opposed to the career plans of the likes of Boris Johnson. So what would my preference or choice be? I cannot see Ken Livingstone fitting the objectively verifiable criteria of universal appeal to the democratic demands. Yet he keeps being foisted before me as if he were 'my' 'preferred' 'choice'. To break this really morality and ethics and democracy-free mould, we in London need some truly democratic campaigns. All parts of the population must be able to debate, diagnose and discard the violations that the central Government and the London mayor are imposing on us in every borough in every single area of our existence in the over-hyped city. When Livingstone boasted on BBC Mayor Special editon Question Time [April 2008] that he had LIED to get the 2012 Hosting for London and said that he had done the lying to help 'regenerate' East London, he was let off without being quizzed on the definition of each of the three components of his broadcast bragging: lying, regeneration and East End. Had he been quizzed, there would be no difficulty in showing up that outrage as the three components would not connect. For a start, the East End had never asked for the imposition. Regeneration has not been defined to make ordinary people better off in the East End. The 2012 Hosting does not have any logical or empirical connection with a licence that Livingstone should have been allowed to connect and then perpetrate the lying. In the context of the CONDEM regime's continuation of the 'elected' executive model - for the Police - it is necessary to examine the democratic state of the areas that have been lumbered with elected executive mayor, a 'cause' that Ken Livingstone backed with such blatant ferocity that he was adamant to risk internal and publicly expressed opprobrium from the Blaired party bureaucracy doing it in Tower Hamlets. So undemocratic and dysfunctional has Tower Hamlets Council become since Ken Livingstone's' s fantasy 'executive mayor' mode was allegedly adopted that the Council's budget cannot be passed at a single sitting! It was LIVINGSTONE who had bragged on 6 February 2010 at a hyped up platform he shared with Keith Vaz [from the ‘East End’ borough of Leicester!] that Tower Hamlets Council would function as an efficient and accountable and uncorrupted body if only an elected mayor was allowed to get into post in the name of the people of the inner city deprived area’s local Council! It is time that Ken Livingstone apologised for his touting of the elected mayor thing and did some really serious work on the ground ‘restoring’ his relevance to the democracy movement in London, including Tower Hamlets. 1350 Hrs Saturday 26 February 2011 UNQUOTING Muhammad Haque London Commentary on the London DAILY TELEGRAPH [Ed West’s blog] [To be continued]

CONDEM cuts the heart out of Society! What more does Ed Miliband need before actually OPPOSING ?

CONDEM cuts the heart out of Society! What more does Ed Miliband need before actually OPPOSING ?
1615 Hrs GMT LOndon Thursday 17 February 2011. Editor © Muhammad haque. BHANGEELAAR! updating diagnostics on the Ed Miliband 'leadership' and its absence of impact on the Tower Hamlets [former] Labour Party...BHANGEELAAR! tells the Guardian London Blog today Thursday 17 February 2011 [To be continued] The following has been posted by BHANGEELAAR! on the GUARDIAN London Blog today Thursday 17 February 2011: Your 14 February 2011 response to one commenter means that we can again confirm in very brief terms the evidence of the former Labour Party [which became Blair Labour] controlling bureaucracy either deliberately refusing to investigate complaints [filed between 1980 and 2000] or being intellectually and ethically and morally too challenged and or deficient to recognise the central importance of honesty and integrity in all aspects of “Party membership”. By the contens of your statement and taking into account the reigning and the reining disagreements, diversions, distortions about what latest published and or leaked findings have caused and about what they have not found regarding the alleged internal inquiries about Tower Hamlets 2010, it is clear that the bureaucracy has not changed in what is now supposed to be [the ‘nearly’ ‘Old’] Labour Party. As the failures of the bureaucracy could not go on without the necessary complicity, collusion and collaboration at all levels internally within the ‘Labour Party’, what does the continuing contradictions, confusions and persistent allegations of corruption in and about the Party’s operations in Tower Hamlets say about the impact of Ed Miliband being ‘the leader’ of the Party? And his ‘brand’ of ‘the Party’? For want of a better word, Is HE ‘happy’ with the ‘outcome’ and the ‘situation’? We have been speaking to active members of the former Blaired party as well as of the former Labour Party and of the current Miliband Party in Tower Hamlets. We cannot say that any of them is ‘happy’ with their locations or links. This is truly a crisis that goes far beyond Tower Hamlets and affects the role that Ed Miliband or anyone else may wish ‘the Party’ to play if the outfit is in political power and office as the UK Government again. There are far too many irregularities that dominate ‘the Party’ operations and membership and ‘grassroots’ involvement in Tower Hamlets. If left unaddressd - as they are since Ed Miliband came into Party office - then the prospects of ‘the Party’ being treated as a decisive force for the good of a democratic society in Britain do not look at all tenable let alone credible let alone tangible! BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets 1435 Hrs Thursday 17 February 2011

BHANGEELAAR! diagnosing Dave Hill's Guardian Blog about Tower hamlets - part 1 Sat 12 Feb 2011

BHANGEELAAR! diagnosing Dave Hill's Guardian Blog about Tower hamlets - part 1 Sat 12 Feb 2011
Quoting Dave Hill’s concluding paragraph [11 February 2011]: “In the end, the only solution for Labour may be to take its leader Ed Miliband resolutely at his word and rebuild the local party from the ground up, broadening its base and listening to all those it wants to serve more carefully than ever before. That's an easy thing for a hack in Hackney to write and a much, much harder thing for a politician in Tower Hamlets to do. But it sounds rather like democracy.” Unquoting Dave Hill [with emphases added by the commenter below]. We are commenting here to correct some of the misleading contents and insinuations. We shall come back to deal with any other that we find appropriate in due course. We here concentrate on Dave Hill’s “discussion” on the spelling of particular last name and we examine some other aspects of the Dave Hill’s London Blog in perpetuating the discriminatory myths about “local expertise’ by a “colleague” of Dave Hill’s. We start by examine Mr Hill’s statement: “the only solution for Labour may be to take its leader Ed Miliband resolutely at his word and rebuild the local party from the ground up”. What is Ed Miliband? Is he a magician or is a super human? He is neither. As for “rebuilding” of the former Labour Party, Miliband is even less. He has neither the knowledge nor the interest nor the commitment to rebuild democratic accountability anywhere. He is a machine leader of a machine bureaucracy that is banking for his ‘aim to reach the shore of power’ on the bankruptcy of the British political vessel as it is evident via the democracy-denying, democrat deficit Houses of Parliament Whatever Ed Miliband may have puffed on, he is no different on the evidence so far from any of his predecessors in that post when it comes to the fundamental purpose of the Party bureaucracy. When that purpose is ‘relaunched’ in areas like Tower Hamlets during routine ‘periods of elections’, it is as dull, dishonest and unjust and undemocratic as it ever has been. So what secret are you alluding to when you invest all; your rhetorical hopes on Ed Miliband doing the undoable? Do tell. As for us ordinary folk in Tower Hamlets, we see no evidence now and we have found none in their records of the past half century, of the former Labour Party being anything other than a machine vehicle for time-servers, petty careerists and several brazen liars. The same conclusion applies to what is now the “Tower Hamlets Lib Dems”. The several ‘names’ that you have now ‘introduced’ and or promoted about the former Labour Party in Tower Hamlets are as contaminated on their records as could be found in any of the past five decades. Our Movement has drawn attention to those during the past fifty years and demanded action against the crooked behaviour of so many time-serving place men and women in the former Labour Party that the list of the perpetrators and the allegations against them alone would take up more space than is available on your blog comment slot. The former Labour Party has persisted in failing to take action. Why? Because the entire bureaucracy has been itself corrupt. Let any of that bureaucracy's key decision-making obstructors come out and declare themselves and we shall read them the details of their perpetration with ample updater diagnostics. The only thing that is ‘new’ about your promotion of those is your name and your blog, Dave! You are now doing what decades of “Fleet Street” media has done for the corrupotocrcay that is the former Labour Party. About the rest of your concluding Comment, you have not qualified the phrase “a politician in Tower Hamlets”. Without qualification, that phrase is full of misleading and vacuous potential. For the sake of democratic accountability, we shall attempt a working qualification as always in context here. Perhaps by a politician in Tower Hamlets you are referring to those who seek or occupy “elected” posts. Examples include local Tower Hamlets Borough council posts or the London Assembly post/s or the posts of MPs for any of the two Parliamentary constituencies. Secondly you must be meaning the post or position seekers and the postholders in the former Labour Party that is still floated in Tower Hamlets as a bureaucratic version of its former form at the present time. Finally you must be meaning the couriers of the various sub-candidates and sub-post-seekers that make up the number that also serves as ‘the organisation’ of the former Labour Party. On the facts of the contens of your blog, you could not be meaning people in the ordinary population in Tower Hamlets. Had you meant any of us, you would have said something about the Movement that has actually been working to defend the key universal values from which the time-serving opportunists you DO recognise have benefited [personally and in terms of their own careerists factions] without a shadow of a doubt. You also refer to the Conservative Councillors’ group ‘leader’ Peter Golds who has been doing business fort his cause by parading as a ‘Tower Hamlets politician’ although he has yet to come on the record ANYWHERE as representing the concerns and the demands of the ordinary democratically conscious people in Tower Hamlets. We have pointed this out before about Peter Golds and we do so again here, in context. We also point out that you have not expressly examined poverty of any description in your blog. Indeed, you have not even mentioned the word poverty once. In our knowledge of the ordinary lives of the overwhelming majority of ordinary people in Tower Hamlets, there are three types of poverty currently affecting the quality of life for ordinary people in Tower Hamlets. Poverty as experienced and felt and as measurable by income, earnings or none. Secondly poverty as evident in the absence of accountably, transparently democratic representation at any of the local state levels as linked to ‘electoral’ processes. The third type of poverty is in the absence of delivery of the promised or the purported standard of democracy in accordance with ordinary expectations as defined by ethics, morality or due process in most of the state and local agencies and institutions as operating in Tower Hamlets. Although you appear reserved about Peter Golds, you perform a telling act of excusing him. You let Mr Golds off the hook by deciding to not scrutinise him on the allegations that he had INSINUATED. You say (“) Golds’ letter claimed that the Brick Lane restauranteur Shiraj Haque had, "stated to a number of local politicians that he funded the legal action" and that, "This is a reportable donation that has not been reported [to the Electoral Commission] within the [legal] time limit." (”). Who are the “number of local politicians”? We ask because we know [as defined above again] for a fact that there is no such thing as “local politicians” without links, strings and careerist negotiations and or deals. So whatever “local politicians” is supposed to refer to in relation to Peter Golds’ own promotion of his “party'-linked business would be someone [or more than one] who would be found to be already compromised by some other relevant factors vitiating any attempt to bring about an ethical and a democratically accountable atmosphere in Tower Hamlets. That would mean that you should have demonstrably queried Peter Golds’ assertion. Had you done that, you would have found ON THE EVIDENCE that a true investigative examination of his c,aims would have to reveal that Peter Golds was basing HIS bit of the allegations as much on partisan and untenably non-democratic ground as any of his implied Party political opponents would be doing given the same observed and non-democratic and or antidemocratic objective. Your reference to “the Brick Lane restauranteur Shiraj Haque” is also inaccurate and in context significantly misleading. The person you name as “Shiraj Haque” is in fact known in the community simply as Shiraj. This is true of today as it has been since the end of the 1970s when he was first listed in the public domain as an active member of the community in Tower Hamlets. One of the original validators for Shiraj getting INTO the public domain as an active member of the local community in the late 1970s was the campaign that our Movement was conducting at that time in defence of the community following the racist murder of Altab Ali on Thursday 4 May 1978. So the question that arises now , 32 years on, is this: who has been responsible for moderating or altering or amending the community-based persona of Shiraj? Has there been a legal reason why the spelling of his stated last name was or has been changed? If so, what was that legal reason? If none then why haven’t you or to be more practical your ‘local expert’ [‘colleague’] [promoted by you in the past few months as ‘the’ de facto ‘expert’ on “Tower Hamlets”] explained that change in the spelling of the stated last name cited about Shiraj? This is also important in view of the many references to Abbas Uddin “Helal” as made by you and by at least three others in or about “Fleet Street”. One of those, David Cohen, the self-described ‘rescuer of the dispossessed of London’ as promoted via the London EVENING STANDARD, invaded a democratic accountability forum that had been organised by the Spitalfields Small Business Association [SSBA] on 18 October 2010. The SSBA’s Director Kay Jordan, who sat on a chair next to where David Cohen had been sitting before he stood up to launch his invasion, wondered to our campaign within minutes of David Cohen’s invasion, what would have been the best way of stopping Cohen from violating that meeting. And what was his violating act? Why a personal insinuation against Lutfur Rahman and as retailed on behalf of the interests that were promoting Abbas Uddin “Helal” as their chosen courier of the Blaired party band. David Cohen abused the entire local, SSBA-organised meeting, by standing up and demanding to know from Lutfur Rahman why Lutfur Rahman’s alleged supporters had been spreading an allegation about Abbas Uddin “Helal” abusing or beating his [“Abbas Uddin “Helal”:] wife. Abbas Uddin “Helal” himself was absent from the event. And there was no legal, constitutional law, ethical or democratic or electoral reason why Lutfur Rahman had to even comment on that utterance by the invader David Cohen. But Lutfur Rahman did. And ion making a comment “denying” Cohen’s invasive utterance, Lutfur Rahman confounded the Cohen-contrived confusion even further! He proceeded to deny having abused HIS wife! And a suitably timed supportive sounding woman stood up in a row behind where David Cohen was sitting [and or standing, depending on what moment of his invasion he was engaged in] in the audience and stated words to the effect that she supported her husband Lutfur Rahman totally! In his ‘response’ on the same occasion, Lutfur Rahman also said that he would sue anyone who said what Cohen was saying! This part was in fact triggered by the Lib Dems’ John Griffiths whose own utterance [to Lutfur Rahman’s mind and to observers present] represented a repetition in effect of what Cohen had done earlier in the invasive disruption of the proceedings of the SSBA-organised meeting that had been intended to offer local people a say on what the local Tower Hamlets Council should be doing to support the local small businesses and similar initiatives. Considering the fact that David Cohen VIA the London EVENING STANDARD played a promotional part in propping up the campaign propaganda and image for the Lib Dems and the Conservatives in the run up to the 06 May 2010 elections on the alleged basis that Cohen had been “helping” the “DISPOSSESSED” in London [ played as a “counter” to the then Gordon Brown-fronted regime that was, so the “DISPOSSESSED” theme suggested, causing the DISPOSSESSION to areas typified by the East End Borough of Tower Hamlets], his violation of the people who were attending the SSBA-organised meeting on 18 October 2010 showed just how irrational Cohen was, how contemptuous he was of the rights of the people in the East End and how indifferent he was to what we had to say on that day about our “local Council Cohen on that occasion dispossessed us from our democratic say! Our campaign intervened at the right time to ensure that Cohen was not able to carry with him any pretext that he could later retail for the delectation of the likes of Peter Golds in another exaggerated, untrue and untruthful attack on the invented image of our community portraying it as not only being intolerant to “journalists” but also to “free speech”! Cohen abused the kindness and generosity of the meeting and in his abuse he denied that meeting the freedom to exchange views and information about matters to do with the local Council’s financial and democratic conduct. It is clear that in your “accessible” and “sympathetic” “style”, you too are engaged in doing the same. Why else is it that you promote Peter Golds and then fail to show why his alleged allegation to the Metropolitan Police did not go anywhere? Why is it that you refer to everything else about the various allegations about corruption over the Blaired Party's bureaucracy and its handling or mishandling of the selection etc, but fail to even recognise that there has been a fully active campaign against the very constitutional change to Tower Hamlets being lumbered with a post called executive mayor that is the persistent topic of your particular blog posts. Given that two fifths of the stated votes cast in the alleged referendum were in favour of the NO option, how can you treat 40,000 voters as if they did not record their rejection of the bid to change the Council’s particular structure? Given also the fact that Abbas Uddin “Helal” was himself a “campaigner against an elected mayor system” for MONTHS, how is it that you leave that fact out as if it was not the central feature of the evidence of active contempt for ethics and honesty that the Bliared party bureaucracy has been exhibiting at every level over the matter? You state that you had spoken to Joshua Peck but then you do not include any substance. Why mention him then? If you had asked us, we could tell you that the same Joshua Peck had appeared along with our Campaign organiser on at least four platforms at “public” meetings held across Tower Hamlets between 06 February 2010 and 06 May 2010 “speaking and uttering arguments against” a directly elected executive mayor. We could add that without making any noticeable let alone substantiated apology to the Tower Hamlets community and the public the aforesaid Joshua Peck then began to make appearances on the Bliared Party promotional events in the Borough SUPPORTING an elected executive mayor system! He has remained silent on the fact that Bliared party candidates for Council ward votes on 06 May 2010 received far more votes than the NO question got. The significance of this is in the fact that JOSHUA PECK and other such Bliared Party candidates had been claiming that they were “campaigning against an elected mayor system” and that they were claiming that they had been ALSO asking their canvassed voters to vote NO in the allotted box on the referendum/ballot paper [held on the same day, 06 May 2010] as the general election and the London local council elections. All the evidence that we have obtained of the voters behaviour on that day in the in the run up to polling [and referendum on the mayor] day has shown that those who were actually genuinely approached about the serious flaws and the pitfalls of installing a directly elected executive mayor in fact voted NO. That raises the almost certain possibility that those, like Joshua Peck who were claiming to be campaigning for s NO vote on the referendum were doing less to secure a NO outcome than they were doing to get their personal election as councillor guaranteed. This discrepancy was deliberately created as admitted to our campaign organiser by one of Joshua Peck’s co-candidates in February-April 2010. According that candidate for a Council ward in Mile End, their priority was to get elected as councillors! Yet that ‘NO’ campaign ‘speaker at platforms’ kept on making appearances, even though she knew perfectly well that she was not campaigning for NO outcome as much as she ws claiming to be when on the platform. Given the fact that that ‘No’ campaign ‘speaker’ was soon doing the “YES FOR candidate X as mayor” routine in Tower Hamlets during July-October 2010, the claims that anything any of them said at any time was based on ethics, principle or honesty is very difficult to accept. This is the real problem in the former Labour Party., As it is with the PRESENT Tower Hamlets Council, with or without a directly elected executive mayor installed. Contrary to the prejudiced references you make to Tower Hamlets as a whole, the behaviour of the ‘elected councillors’ and their likes is the real problem as against a truly really actually actively democracy-delivering Council. For the reasons we have shown in this detailed factually revealing comment,. the same finding applies to Lutfur Rahman as it does to his alleged detractors. 0750 Hrs Saturday 12 February 2011 BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets

"East London Advertiser"-"owner" ARCHANT exposed again as a tout for Big Business greed ...

"East London Advertiser"-"owner" ARCHANT exposed again as a tout for Big Business greed ...
0240 [0130] [0018] Hrs GMT London Saturday 05 February 2011. Editor © Muhammad Haque. BHANGEELAAR! the CAMPAIGN against “an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets” is Telling the EAST LONDON ADVERTISER that it has published lies for Crossrail-backer Josh Peck. This is the first part of a series fo BHANGEELAAR diagnostic updates on the matter. Your [“East London Advertiser” online] headline [“My only Tesco connection is—at the checkout, fumes councillor” ] [by-lined to Mike Brooke] is misleading and the contents underneath untrue. Josh Peck was not asked only about TESCO. He was in fact challenged on his links with both TESCO AND Crossrail. His ‘reply’ was delivered with evident accompaniment of a written script which he was looking at as he gave his long winded statement about TESCO. Then he sat down. And he was ‘persuaded’ to stand up again. This time he in effect confessed that there had been another allegation against him. That was the claim, contained in the question from the member of the public concerned, that he had received money from Crossrail as well. “Cllr” Peck denied that he had received money from Crossrail. So why did he stand up that second time to make that SECOND denial at the “Tower Hamlets Council” meeting held on 2 February 2011? Answer: Because a voice came over to him from the very back of the now extended “public gallery” demanding to know if Josh Peck had received money from Crossrail. That voice belonged to one of the main speakers, along with George Galloway and Carole Swords at a meeting held AGAINST CROSSRAIL in Bow West on 7 March 2006 where Josh Peck was roundly condemned as a liar by George Galloway on Crossrail after Peck made a false statement alleging that Galloway had failed to oppose Crossrail in the UK House of Commons. . The speaker at the back of the ‘public gallery’ during the Tower Hamlets Council meeting held on 2 February 2011? Answer: Muahmmad Haque, the Organiser of the Khoodeelaar action in defence of the East End of London. Is there any evidence that Muhammad Haque knows “Cllr” Josh Peck on the relevant records? Answer: There is plenty. Muhammad Haque has been organising the BHANGEELAAR! campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets as you [Mike Brooke] have known. Bhangeelaar is actively advancing the cause of democracy that Josh Peck claimed to be “backing” for a few months in 2010. After a few months, he ‘changed’ his stance and began to BACK an elected mayor system that he had been “honestly campaigning against” for those few weeks!. Before his ‘about turn’ Josh Peck appeared on a platform at the Brady Centre in March 2010 and delivered what sounded very much like an imitation of Muhammad Haque’s significantly established and recorded diagnostic linguistic speech given at several formal and informal gatherings of the “No to a directly elected mayor” campaign in the previous weeks. 0030 Hrs Saturday 05 February 2011 BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets [To be continued]

ARCHANT, owners of 'East London Advertiser', shields Crossrail-lobbyist "Cllr"

ARCHANT, owners of 'East London Advertiser', shields Crossrail-lobbyist "Cllr"
0018 Hrs GMT London Saturday 05 February 2011. Editor © Muhammad Haque. BHANGEELAAR! the CAMPAIGN against “an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets” is Telling the EAST LONDON ADVERTISER that it has published lies for Crossrail-backer Josh Peck. This is the first part of a series of BHANGEELAAR diagnostic updates on the matter. Your [“East London Advertiser” online] headline [“My only Tesco connection is—at the checkout, fumes councillor” ] [by-lined to Mike Brooke] is misleading and the contents underneath untrue. Josh Peck was not asked only about TESCO. He was in fact challenged on his links with both TESCO AND Crossrail. His ‘reply’ was delivered with evident accompaniment of a written script which he was looking at as he gave his long winded statement about TESCO. Then he sat down. And he was ‘persuaded’ to stand up again. This time he in effect confessed that there had been another allegation against him. That was the claim, contained in the question from the member of the public concerned, that he had received money from Crossrail as well. “Cllr” Peck denied that he had received money from Crossrail. So why did he stand up that second time to make that SECOND denial at the “Tower Hamlets Council” meeting held on 2 February 2011? Answer: Because a voice came over to him from the very back of the now extended “public gallery” demanding to know if Josh Peck had received money from Crossrail. That voice belonged to one of the main speakers, along with George Galloway and Carole Swords at a meeting held AGAINST CROSSRAIL in Bow West on 7 March 2006 where Josh Peck was roundly condemned as a liar by George Galloway on Crossrail after Peck made a false statement alleging that Galloway had failed to oppose Crossrail in the UK House of Commons. . The speaker at the back of the ‘public gallery’ during the Tower Hamlets Council meeting held on 2 February 2011? Answer: Muahmmad Haque, the Organiser of the Khoodeelaar action in defence of the East End of London. Is there any evidence that Muhammad Haque knows “Cllr” Josh Peck on the relevant records? Answer: There is plenty. Muhammad Haque has been organising the BHANGEELAAR! campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets as you [Mike Brooke] have known. Bhangeelaar is actively advancing the cause of democracy that Josh Peck claimed to be “backing” for a few months in 2010. After a few months, he ‘changed’ his stance and began to BACK an elected mayor system that he had been “honestly campaigning against” for those few weeks!. Before his ‘about turn’ Josh Peck appeared on a platform at the Brady Centre in March 2010 and delivered what sounded very much like an imitation of Muhammad Haque’s significantly established and recorded diagnostic linguistic speech given at several formal and informal gatherings of the “:No to a directly elected mayor” campaign in the previous weeks. 0030 Hrs Saturday 05 February 2011 BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets [To be continued]

CONDEM complacent as they destroy NHS and let 'care' business kill!

CONDEM complacent as they destroy NHS and let 'care' business kill!
2100 Hrs GMT London Monday 31 January 2011. By © Muhammad Haque. CONDEM in the UK are taking Society backwards to Dark Age...[To be continued]

Defending the East End community against Big Biz attacks: into 8th year of Khoodeelaar!

Defending the East End community against Big Biz attacks: into 8th year of Khoodeelaar!
0635 [0555] Hrs GMT London Sunday 30 January 2011. By © Muhammad Haque. The Movement for democratic accountability in the East End of London has been defending the community in the area for decades. Those decades have witnessed the democratic defence being conducted under a number of banners. In context, each banner has been created in response to the given attack on the democratic entitlements of the community. The most prominent and consistently active banner for the past seven years has been the KHOODEELAAR! campaign. Khoodeelaar! is into the 8th campaigning year starting today, Sunday 30 January 2011. On Saturday 31 January 2004, the KHOODEELAAR! campaign was publicly launched with the holding of the first public meeting for the community . It was held at the Montefiore Centre under the initiative of Kay Jordan, the community architect. Kay’s academic background as an architect helped her understanding of the aspects of the Crossrail hole assault that was plotted against the East End. That understanding got enriched by Kay Jordan the universally conscientious human being who used her gifts to embrace as many people as were positively inclined to help the cause of creating a just society. That particular battle for justice that we began on Saturday 31 january 2004 has been making the East End a far more accountable place than it would otherwise have been. The campaign against Big Business agenda Crossrail has not been merely a campaign against a single scam. The Khoodeelaar! campaign has been also a, probably THE community action forum for holding to account all who seek public office in the name of the community, at the expense of the community. The extent of that accountability is not measurable by numbers. The extent of accountability is a function of the environment for democratic accountability that the seekers of Post and the holders of post feel they have entered. The first and the foremost material indication of the level and the quality of that atmosphere is in the degrees go which the area is subjected to unsettlement by BiG Business. Without a stable, settled and secure environment in which the community can carry on ordinary life, there cannot be a locally elected locally accountable 'institution' like the local Council. It is the local Tower Hamlets Council that has been under threat of demolition. But this possibility has not been recognised by the “elected” councillors! Neither in their careers as allownces-collecting “routine-performers” [as in “attending” “functions” including appearing at recorded “council” ‘meetings’ and ‘allowances-linked events’, etc] nor in their positions as “leaders”, however the “office” is dressed up! That the community has had to mobilise the defence of the area against the lethal dislocation attacks by the City of London interests that have been operating via the Crossrail scam [as one ofd their current weapons and ploys] is a most important confirmation of the fact that Tower Hamlets Council has been a failing Council. The Movement which has created the Khoodeelaar! campaign, the 40 year old Movement for the defence of the community in the East End of London, had PREDICTED the state of dysfunction as a democratic local authority into which the Tower Hamlets Council.. has descended now. Our Movement had predicted that even before Eric Pickles was a “leading” councillor in Bradford! And that was a very long time ago. So long ago that Eric Pickles himself looked unrecognisably dissimilar to what he looks like [both in physical extent and in the fat in the shape of bonuses, expenses that he has collected around himself] now as he spiels the absurdities and the unreconstructed idiocies about local communities. But then Pickles can do that. Especially so because local Councils like Tower Hamlets are heading for their own destruction. How this has been happening has been one of our diagnostic work in the campaign to defend democracy and a democratic council for years. Do those who brag and flaunt their “achievements” linked to Tower Hamlets Council realise this? [To be continued]

Kay Jordan marched in Hanbury Street, Princelet street on 17 January 2006 [pictured below]

Kay Jordan marched in Hanbury Street, Princelet street on 17 January 2006 [pictured below]
0810 Hrs GMT London Saturday 15 January 2011 Editor © Muhammad Haque BHANGEELAAR! the Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets this morning again reiterated the fact that on the Council.. there is no active councillors working to hold the Council.. cuts-friendly bureaucracy accountable to the people of the Borough. This diagnostic position is contained in the BHANGEELAAR! comment posted on the "East London Advertiser`" web site in the last hour. Here is the full text of the BHANGEELAAR! diagnostic comment on the CUTS-making 'budget' by the Tower Hamlets Council: [Previous editions] You [The ‘local’ “East London Advertiser”, circulating primarily in the East London Borough ofd Tower Hamlets] state [dated Tuesday 11 january 2011] [Quote]: “An estimated 7,000 families are living in sub-standard council property in Bethnal Green & Bow and in neighbouring Poplar & Limehouse constituency.” [Unquote]. There must be some mistake in that statement, ‘shurely’! FOR DECADES, successions of the cliques in control of Tower Hamlets Council have DENIED any problem whenever substantial challenges have been made to their behaviour over housing needs, housing stock and housing policy in Tower Hamlets. The name “Tower Hamlets Council” is, on the objectively verifiable facts, at the top of the list of all UK ‘local authorities’ with undeniable records of institutional, policy and personnel failures causing, contributing to and perpetuating housing problems DESPITE significant funding made available to the same Borough Council by UK Central Government. Why has this been so? Because in Tower Hamlets, there hasn’t been an active and manifest culture of accountability via the “elected councillors” who have been and are evidentially demonstrably complicit as a [numerical as different from identifiably segmented Party Politically defined] group with the status quo of non-democracy that rules their careers and their allowances and their very limited horizons! MP after MP DURING their Party’s tenures in office as “the UK Central Government” at the time has PRAISED the Tower Hamlets Council regardless of the Council’s systemic and systematic failures. Against these facts and in the context of this evidential backlog, NO AMOUNT of CONDEM CASH can truthfully and effectively and meaningfully break the “housing backlog”. Only a truly democratic, honest, ethically active local Borough Council in Tower Hamlets can begin to do that long overdue task. 1640 Hrs Tuesday 11 January 2011 BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets BHANGEELAAR! diagnosing the evidence of complicity by successive MPs with the Govt of their Party, thus CREATING the many backlogs in the Boro' [Previous editions] 0444 Hrs GMT London Wednesday 05 January 2011. Editor © Muhammad Haque. In more ways than one, Kay Jordan has defended the people of the East End of London with all her abilities as a very kind and a very gifted, talented human being. She literally shone with people. And everyone she touched was the better for it. In a life that has been indescribably dedicated to the defence and protection of so many ordinary people, Kay Jordan has excelled at being most natural when other mortals would not even understand let alone risk carrying the burdens she carried. In hours, Kay Jordan achieved more than most did in a week. In this picture of the KHOODEELAAR! demo to mark our community’s NO to the role of the the Crossrail hole Bill ‘Select Committee’ [that was formally sitting for the first time on Tuesday 17 January 2006, the day that the community demonstrated] Kay was in her absolute elements, Kay Jordan carried the banner “DON’T DIG HERE!’ defending the East End against Crossrail hole plot! [To be continued]

Historic picture on 11 April 2010 by © Muhammad Haque

Historic picture on 11 April 2010 by © Muhammad Haque
1700 Hrs GMT London Wednesday 22 December 2010. Editor©Muhammad Haque. Another very clearly calculated incident has been orchestrated in Tower Hamlets undeniably intended to create disharmony, intolerance and misunderstanding between groups of people of different faiths, cultures etc. The incident has been reported by the “East London Advertiser” online in the past hour. In the first comment already posted on the “East London Advertiser” web site, the BHANGEELAAR! campaign has the following to say: [Quote] So, how many CCTV cameras does Tower Hamlets Council operate in the Poplar and Limehouse area? Do they work or are they there for a purpose? Why is it that these CCTV and their personnel are never mentioned when they should be shown to be being used to identify and take appropriate, thoughtful, effective and instructive action on incidents like these? Will Tower Hamlets Council ever find those who are behind this very clearly orchestrated attack on the people in the Borough? Who is likely to reap the maximum propaganda profits out of this violation of decency? Who is going to lose out the most too? 1652 Hrs Wednesday 22 December 2010 BHANGEELAAR! The Campaign against an elected executive mayor in Tower Hamlets [Unquote] [To be continued]

The 'NO' Vote campaign demonstrated against Ken Livingstone’s role 6 February 2010

The 'NO' Vote campaign demonstrated against Ken Livingstone’s role 6 February 2010
DEMONSTRATORS against the imposition of a change to Tower Hamlets Council's constitution by ushering in an elected executive mayor were vigorous in their show of opposition. This picture, which was dishonestly cut cropped by the elements that actually broadcast it on Channel satellite TV news on 6 February 2010, was part of a bigger demonstration which was led by Muhammad Haque. Muhammad Haque is only partly shown holding the loud hailer on the top left corner of this still image. [To be continued]

Tuesday, 20 April 2010

DONCASTER COUNCIL is in a mess! Elected mayor AND Councillors are roundly condemned by the Audit Commission

Corporate
Governance
Inspection
Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council
April 2010

Contents


Executive summary 3
Recommendations 7
Detailed report 9
The Council 13
The Mayor and his Cabinet 20
Officers 24
Appendix 1 – Full list of members of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council for
municipal year 2009/10 27
Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive
section 31
Appendix 3 – Staff survey results 36
Appendix 4 – Corporate governance inspection key lines of enquiry 39
Appendix 5 – Details of work undertaken and interviews 41


Executive summary
Executive summary
1 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council (the Council) is failing.
2 The Council is not properly run and as a result it is failing in its legal obligation to make
arrangements to secure continuous improvement in the way in which it exercises its
functions, having regard to a combination of economy, efficiency and effectiveness.
Those leading the Council – the Mayor and Cabinet, some councillors and some
officers – do not collectively have the capacity or capability to make the necessary
improvements in governance. The Council will not improve without significant and
sustained support from external bodies.
3 This corporate governance inspection was undertaken because of repeated evidence,
over more than 15 years that the Council is not well run. Until the recent ministerial
intervention in children's services, the Council had been successful in deflecting all
previous attempts to address its problems (despite those problems having been
accurately diagnosed in a Public Interest Report and a separate Ethical Governance
Healthcheck) whilst allowing poor and failing services to continue. A poor rating for
children's services for two years, a red flag in the Comprehensive Area Assessment for
poor prospects for children and young people, and the recent tragic events in Edlington
are the clearest examples of this. We conclude that the desire to pursue longstanding
political antagonisms is being given priority over much-needed improvements to
services for the public. The people of Doncaster are not well served by their council.
4 The Comprehensive Area Assessment concluded in December 2009, that the Council
performs poorly. It does not do enough to meet the needs of its most vulnerable
people, does not safeguard children, and has not been good at helping vulnerable
people find a home. Too many children underachieve at school, and too many are
excluded from school. Whilst some services are improving, for example adult services,
the neighbourhoods and communities services and the benefits services, many other
issues remain. Crime levels need to reduce further, people need to be helped to lead
healthier lives, more decent homes are needed, public spaces need to be cleaner, and
local people need better skills so they can get the new jobs that are becoming
available in the area. People’s satisfaction with the Council is low.
5 Good governance is about running things properly. It is the means by which a public
authority shows it is taking decisions for the good of the people of the area, in a fair,
equitable and open way. It also requires standards of behaviour that support good
decision making – collective and individual integrity, openness and honesty. It is the
foundation for the delivery of good quality services that meet all local people’s needs. It
is fundamental to showing public money is well spent. Without good governance
councils will struggle to improve services when they perform poorly.
6 There are three inter-related issues which mean that Doncaster Metropolitan Borough
Council is failing in its legal duty to make arrangements to secure continuous
improvement in the exercise of its functions. These three issues are individually
divisive and collectively fatal to good governance, each serving to compound and
magnify the negative impacts of the others. These issues also mean the Council lacks
the capacity or capability to improve in the next 12 months.

3 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Executive summary
7 The three issues are as follows.
• The way the Council operates to frustrate what the Mayor and Cabinet seek to do.
• The lack of effective leadership shown by the Mayor and Cabinet.
• The lack of leadership displayed by some chief officers, and the way they have all
been unable to work effectively together to improve services.
8 The following paragraphs are a summary of the key issues arising within the body of
this report, which support our conclusion that the Council is failing in its duty under
section 3 of the Local Government Act 1999 (the duty to make arrangements for
continuous improvement) and is unlikely to improve without significant support from
outside.
9 The Council, and key councillors within it, are not working constructively with the
Mayor or with partners to achieve better outcomes for the people of Doncaster. Some
influential councillors place their antagonism towards the Mayor and Mayoral system,
and the achievements of their political objectives, above the needs of the people of
Doncaster, and their duty to lead the continuous improvement of services. The
Scrutiny process within the Council, which could act to hold the Mayor and Cabinet
properly to account, and help him develop his policies, is instead being used to
undermine the Mayor, and develop separate policies and budgets. The process of
budget-setting itself is not robust.
10 Decision making in key areas is too slow. The Local Development Framework, a key
document setting out development priorities and proposals, is still not agreed.
Decisions around Building Schools for the Future have been delayed, and external
capital funds put at risk, because of indecision. Discussions between the Council and
the arm’s length management organisation (ALMO) for housing – St Leger Homes –
about what work the Council wants done to certain categories of homes in the Decent
Homes programme have been going on for ten months. Discussions with the primary
care trust about funding for a new health centre to allow Council and NHS staff to work
together have been delayed by ongoing argument within the Council. The people of
Doncaster are at risk of losing out because of these failures. Other parts of South
Yorkshire have already made key decisions in these policy areas, and are already
delivering positive changes for their residents.
11 The way in which the former Interim Chief Executive was recruited in January 2010 is
a clear example of poor governance. The Council failed to live up to minimum
governance standards, and persevered with an appointment process they were
advised, by external legal experts, was flawed. The former Interim Chief Executive,
who was until his appointment the Council’s Director of Resources and Monitoring
Officer, failed to behave in a way that lives up to the required standards of behaviour.
He undermined perceptions of the role of Chief Executive as an impartial servant of the
Mayor and the Council.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 4

Executive summary
12 The Mayor does not always act in a way which demonstrates an understanding of the
need for an elected Mayor to lead his authority and represent all the people in
Doncaster. Some of the behaviours adopted by the Mayor and some Cabinet members
have failed to meet required standards, and serve to reinforce antagonisms from
certain groups within the Council. This contributes to the Mayor often failing to achieve
consensus around his key proposals.
13 More generally, officers have failed to act corporately, have struggled to provide
leadership, and have not acted as a team. Some have become used to the
dysfunctional politics of the Council, and no longer seek to maintain proper boundaries
between the respective roles of officers and councillors. Some officers have stopped
seeking political support for new strategic service plans, and seek to deliver them
without political discussion.
14 Good governance is fundamental to the proper running of public organisations. We
have considered whether the Council meets minimum standards of governance in six
areas: purpose and outcomes; functions and roles; values and behaviours; decision
making; capacity and capability; and engagement. We have also considered whether
we think the Council has the ability to improve, by itself, in these areas.
15 Our conclusions are set out in the table below. Our judgement is that the Council fails
to meet minimum standards in all six of the areas we considered, and lacks the
capacity to improve sufficiently in any of them without external support.

1 Purpose and outcomes of the Council
are confused, key decisions are being
delayed with a result that outcomes for
local people are not being delivered, and
value for money is not being delivered.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months without external
help because of the track record of
problems, principally relating to
longstanding political antagonisms
within the Council.
2 Functions and roles are unclear,
responsibilities are not understood and not
respected, and the Council’s leaders do
not work effectively together. The
Overview and Scrutiny process is
operating as a separate source of
executive policy making.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months because the
Council has shown itself unable to
work within clearly defined functions
and roles even when these have been
clearly set out.
3 Values and behaviours do not meet
minimum requirements. Some councillors
and a few staff are not working within the
ethical framework, are behaving in ways
which do not exemplify good governance,
and the Council is not learning adequately
from issues and complaints that arise.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months because bad
behaviours are entrenched amongst
certain councillors and officers, some
of whom seem unable to distinguish
what is appropriate from what is not.


5 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Executive summary

4 Decision making is not rigorous or
transparent. Key decisions relating to
schools, housing, and economic
development have been delayed due to
political antagonism within the authority.
Good quality information and advice is not
consistently used to make decisions and
risk management is inconsistent and does
not adequately cover partnership
objectives.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months because the
process of decision making is a victim
of the antagonisms that exist within
the Council.
5 Capacity and capability within the
Council is insufficient to deal with the
problems it faces. Skills and knowledge
are available, but do not make a difference
to the way key individuals behave. The
Council has shown itself unable to respond
to previous attempts to help it because
behaviours are entrenched.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months because the
response of the Council to previous
criticism has been to appear to comply
with recommendations made, whilst
actually continuing the same
destructive behaviours.
6 Engagement by the Council is
inadequate, both internally with staff, and
externally with partners and the people of
Doncaster. Key groups of people within
Doncaster find it hard to get their voices
heard.
We do not think this will get better in
the next 12 months because of the
entrenched attitudes of key decision
makers within the Council to the need
for, and benefits of, dialogue and
engagement with staff, partners, and
the public.


Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 6

Recommendations
Recommendations
16 The Council is failing in its legal obligation to make arrangements to secure continuous
improvement in the way in which it exercises its functions, having regard to a
combination of economy, efficiency and effectiveness.
17 We recommend that the Secretary of State should exercise his powers under
section 15 of the Local Government Act 1999 to give a Direction or Directions to
Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council. Should the Secretary of State accept
our recommendation, the form and content of any Direction(s) will be a matter
for him to determine. However, it is our view that the purpose of the Direction(s)
should be to address the deep-seated culture of poor governance identified by
our inspection.
18 More specifically, the objectives of any Direction(s) should be to ensure that:
• the behaviour of the Mayor and some key councillors is no longer allowed to
obstruct the proper governance of the council;
• the role of the Mayor and Cabinet as the Executive is properly supported by
officers, and the Overview and Scrutiny function ceases to operate as if it
were an alternative Executive function;
• bullying and intimidating behaviour is eliminated;
• there is a rapid improvement in the performance of key services;
• the Council plays an effective role in working with external partners to
improve the prospects for the people of Doncaster;
• a high calibre Chief Executive who commands the respect of the Mayor and
the Council is in place; and
• under the leadership of a new Chief Executive, the chief officers work
collectively to deliver service improvement.
In the context of the above, it should be recognised that the Council has a long
history of responding to recommendations but failing to address the real cause
of its difficulties: the poor behaviour of key individuals. As such, the Secretary
of State may wish to consider the immediate suspension of some or all of the
functions currently undertaken by the Executive and Council, and the
appointment of commissioners to be responsible for the administration of
Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council. However, if the Secretary of State
considers it appropriate for the Council to retain its functions and make the
necessary improvements, he may wish to consider the following actions.

7 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Recommendations
Establishment of an Improvement Board
To oversee the effective implementation of the Direction(s) issued by the
Secretary of State an Improvement Board should be established, chaired by a
suitable individual appointed by the Secretary of State. The Board should
comprise senior figures with expertise in local governance from outside
Doncaster.
Failure by the Council to make adequate progress on the objectives set out
above, as determined by the Improvement Board, should lead to the Secretary of
State considering the suspension of some, or all, of the functions currently
undertaken by the Executive and Council.
The behaviour of the Mayor and councillors
The Secretary of State should put in place a package of measures to hold the
Mayor and councillors to account for their behaviour, and to build confidence
inside and outside the Council that poor behaviour will be tackled effectively.
This could include:
• reviewing the terms of reference and membership of the Standards
Committee (retaining an independent chair) to ensure that it is effective and
perceived as an effective safeguard by officers and councillors; and
• ensuring that a strong Monitoring Officer is in place and strengthening the
whistleblowing arrangements to encourage reporting of poor behaviour.
Delivering effective Executive and Scrutiny functions
The Improvement Board should ensure that the proper roles of the Council's
Executive and Overview and Scrutiny functions are established and adequately
and appropriately supported by officers.
The elected Mayor should be required to seek support from a suitable mentor,
chosen by him from a list of suitable individuals suggested by the Secretary of
State.
Effective officer leadership
The Improvement Board should oversee the process by which the Council
appoints a high calibre permanent Chief Executive who commands the
confidence of the Secretary of State, the Mayor and the Council.
The newly appointed Chief Executive should ensure the other chief officers work
collectively to improve the quality of governance, decision making and services
within the Council, within the context of an effective performance framework for
the Council and its staff.
The Improvement Board should ensure that the Chief Executive has access to
the level of support needed to deliver the substantial organisational change and
development necessary.



Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 8

Detailed report
Detailed report
Background to Doncaster
19 Doncaster sits within the area of South Yorkshire, close to the major conurbation of
Sheffield. It consists of a large, mainly rural area and three significant towns –
Doncaster, Mexborough, and Thorne. Many of the smaller towns and villages have a
history closely associated with coal mining. It has a population of some 291,000
people. 3.5 per cent of the population come from a black or minority ethnic
background; some 4,000 are gypsies and travellers; and over 2,000 are new economic
migrants.
20 The area has a number of natural advantages, including its location and its ready
accessibility by road, rail, air and water. The Council has been successful in promoting
the physical regeneration of the Doncaster town centre, with new buildings, shopping
centres and industrial units much in evidence.
21 In the last five years, the number of jobs in Doncaster has increased. Employment has
increased as has the number of local businesses, enabling residents to improve their
skills.
22 However, these improvements have not reduced rates of worklessness and have not
enabled Doncaster to improve relative to other places in the Yorkshire and Humber
region or in the country. Doncaster is still in the bottom 25 per cent, both regionally and
nationally, for many economic indicators.
23 Partners’ ambitions are for Doncaster to be a centre for economic growth in the
Yorkshire and Humber region. Recent research by Northern Way (a think tank set up
to support the development of the northern areas of England) suggests that faster
economic growth could be secured by closer working with the Sheffield City Region
and developing stronger economic links with Sheffield.
24 People in Doncaster are less well off, are more likely to be unemployed, and less likely
to be healthy than the average for similar types of authority; all of which means a
greater demand for public services and a greater need for an effective and well-run
local council.
25 Average numbers of 11-year old children reach the expected level in their tests. At age
16 achievement in exams is about the same as in similar authorities, although below
the national average. The number of young people aged 19 with the higher level
qualifications and skills required of many modern jobs is below similar authority and
national averages.
26 The level of new businesses registering for VAT is the sixth worst in Yorkshire and
Humberside, and in the lowest 25 per cent of authorities nationally. In 2009,
55 per cent of homes failed to meet the government’s decency standards, which again
placed Doncaster in the worst 25 per cent of authorities nationally.

9 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Detailed report
Political context
27 The current Mayor was elected in June 2009, as a representative of the English
Democrat party. There are no other English Democrats on the Council. Another
independent was second in the mayoral vote, with the main political parties further
behind.
28 The Council's composition is shown in the table below. A full list of Councillors from
each group is set out in Appendix 1. One-third of Council seats will be up for election in
May 2010.

Number Party
26 Labour Nine chairs and six vice chairs, including:
Chair of Chief Officers Appointment Committee;
Chair of Chief Officers Investigatory
Sub-committee; Chair of Overview and Scrutiny
Management Committee; and Chair of Council.
12 Liberal Democrat Five chairs and three vice chairs, including:
Employee Relations sub-committees; JNC
Chief Officer Appeals; Economy and Enterprise
Overview; and Scrutiny Panel.
9 Alliance of Independent
Members Three chairs and four vice chairs, including:
Safer, Stronger and Sustainable; and Overview
and Scrutiny.
9 Conservatives One chair and four vice chairs, including:
Chair of Healthier Communities Overview and
Scrutiny; and Vice Chair of Awards; Grants and
Transport (Appeals); and Elections and
Democratic Structures Committee.
4 Community croup
3 Non-affiliated
independents
1 English Democrat Mayor
64 Total

29 The Cabinet consists of:
• the Mayor (English Democrat);
• three Conservative councillors; and
• three independent or unaffiliated councillors.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 10

Detailed report
The history of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council's governance
30 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council has a troubled history of poor governance.
The negative perceptions created by the ‘Donnygate’ affair, which resulted in 21
councillors being convicted of fraud, hangs over the area and over the Council.
31 In the aftermath of the Donnygate affair, a mayoral referendum was instigated in 2001,
and the people of Doncaster voted to adopt the elected mayoral system of local
government. Martin Winter, standing as a Labour candidate, became the first elected
Mayor of Doncaster. Mayor Winter, who had been re-elected in 2005, became an
independent Mayor in 2008, following increasing difficulties between him and the
Labour group within the Council. He chose not to stand again in the mayoral elections
of 2009. Peter Davies, of the English Democrat Party, was elected as Mayor in June
2009.
32 Further problems with governance emerged in 2005. The then Chief Executive
(managing director) made allegations of improper conduct by the Mayor. The police
investigated these allegations, but no prosecution was brought. In August 2006,
allegations were made about the Chief Executive's behaviour, and after protracted
discussion the Chief Executive left the Council under a compromise agreement in
December 2006. A Public Interest Report from the District Auditor in May 2008
reflected on the issues raised by the disagreement, and on a wider set of underlying
governance issues within the Council. This contained ten recommendations, relating to
achieving good governance, implementing chief officer performance reviews, the
drafting of disciplinary reports, and about members' impartiality in disciplinary matters.
These were pursued through a Governance Improvement Plan overseen by an
independently chaired Governance Reference Group. In 2009, the District Auditor
concluded that the Council had finally implemented the ten recommendations from his
Public Interest Report. However, despite the recommended processes having been put
in place, it is clear that the behaviour of certain key individuals has not improved.
33 In 2008, the Secretary of State for Children, Schools and Families judged children and
young people’s services in Doncaster to be so poor as to require ministerial
intervention. An independently chaired Improvement Board was set up in April 2009,
but has struggled to radically improve children’s services so far, in part because of the
ongoing political antagonisms within the Council and the failure of the Council to see
the issues as relating to all Council services, not just children’s services. At the same
time, Doncaster's Safeguarding Children's Board was exhibiting serious failings. The
tragic events of the Edlington case, which occurred before the appointment of the
independent Chairman, are only the latest in a series of failures by the Council to keep
children safe.
34 In February 2009, at the Council’s request, the Improvement and Development Agency
(IDeA) of the Local Government Association undertook an ethical governance
healthcheck, which was published June 2009. The healthcheck concluded the lack of
acceptance of the mayoral model by councillors appeared to be a key factor in the
difficulties the Council was having. The healthcheck highlighted behaviours that were
‘venomous, vicious, and vindictive’. Both the Public Interest Report and the
healthcheck have as a consistent theme the antipathy of certain councillors to the
elected mayoral model.

11 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Detailed report
35 In January 2010, the then Chief Executive of the Council chose, at short notice, to
leave the Council. This triggered the series of events described at Appendix 1 which
led to the appointment of an Interim Chief Executive, in circumstances of considerable
acrimony. This, the history of poor governance within the Council, the record of poor
performance of some services, and the slow improvement of others; and the potential
loss of public confidence caused by the Edlington case, led the Audit Commission to
conclude a Corporate Governance Inspection was required.
The issues
36 There are three inter-related issues which prevent the Council from reaching minimum
standards of governance, and mean that it both fails in its duty to secure continuous
improvement and has neither the capacity nor capability to improve over the next
12 months. These three issues are individually divisive, and collectively fatal, to good
governance and to clear and speedy decision making. Each issue compounds and
magnifies the negative impact of the other failings and contributes to the Council failing
to meet its duty to secure continuous improvement. As a result, the people of
Doncaster are being let down by their Council.
37 The three issues are as follows.
• The way the Council operates to frustrate what the Mayor and Cabinet seeks to do.
An example of this is the way in which the former Interim Chief Executive was
appointed, and the resulting antagonism between him and the Mayor.
• The lack of effective leadership shown by the Mayor and Cabinet.
• The way some individual chief officers behave, and more generally the way officers
have struggled to work together collectively to improve services.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 12

The Council
The Council
The Council, and key Councillors within it, are not working constructively with the
Mayor or with partners to achieve better outcomes for the people of Doncaster. A
number of councillors put individual political aims and antagonisms above the needs of
the people of Doncaster.
38 In a well-governed mayoral authority the council should:
• accept the democratic mandate of the Mayor;
• be clear about the limits of its role in developing policy;
• work collectively with the Mayor and Cabinet to help them develop the most
coherent set of policies for the local people;
• enable officers to develop priorities into clear, costed plans of action which are
shared and agreed with partners;
• adopt leadership styles which are open, inclusive, and engender trust from staff,
other partners, and the public; and
• act as ambassadors for the Council in the wider area and with partners.
The democratic mandate
39 The attitude of some key councillors is fundamental to the failure of the Council to
improve over recent years, despite repeated involvement by external bodies. These
individuals are well known within the Council, and their names came up repeatedly
during the course of our inspection. They come principally, but not exclusively, from
the Labour group. They are long serving local politicians, and are highly skilled and
knowledgeable in the working and decision making processes of local government.
They occupy key positions of power, within the Council Chamber, within key
committees involved in appointing, and investigating disciplinary matters, for chief
officers; and within the Overview and Scrutiny process.
40 The Council was the subject of a Public Interest Report by the District Auditor in 2008.
It concluded the Council had failed to achieve proper standards of governance. The
actions of a few councillors, and of some officers, fell short of these standards. He
concluded the breakdown in relationships between the then Mayor and the then Chief
Executive (managing director) in part reflected existing tensions between the Mayor
‘and a key group of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council Labour councillors’. The
District Auditor issued ten recommendations to improve governance within the Council.
41 In 2009, in part to support the Council’s work to respond to the District Auditor’s
recommendations, the Council commissioned IDeA to undertake a further check of
governance. This was called the ethical governance healthcheck. The healthcheck
highlighted councillor behaviours that were ‘venomous, vicious, and vindictive’.

13 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

The Council
42 The healthcheck again highlighted that ‘a majority of councillors expressed the view
they would prefer a different model of governance’. The healthcheck concluded the
lack of acceptance of the mayoral model appeared to be ‘a key factor in the breakdown
of trust and communication which is currently [in early 2009] facing the Council’. In
reporting this healthcheck back to Full Council in 2009, the peer Member on that team
said ‘several of you [Councillors] put your hatred of the Mayor above your love of the
people of Doncaster’.
43 In both the Public Interest Report and the IDeA healthcheck there is thus a consistent
theme of a set of councillors, many of whom continue to resent the end of the historic
committee system, who oppose the elected mayoral system. They would, even without
an elected mayor, find the reduced policy-making opportunities within the modern
Leader, Cabinet and Overview and Scrutiny model difficult to accept. Their actions
undermine the Council’s ability to function effectively.
44 The hostility towards the mayoral system transcends individual mayors. It became a
constant feature of the mayoralty of Martin Winter, who ceased to be a member of the
Labour Party in 2008, and has shown no sign of abating under Mayor Davies. Mayoral
candidates from the main political parties have failed in the third mayoral elections, and
discussions with the public as part of this inspection revealed considerable anger at
what were perceived as the disrespectful and condescending attitudes of some local
councillors.
Work to help the Mayor and Cabinet or Council role in developing policy
45 The dysfunctional relationship between the Council and the Executive (the Mayor and
Cabinet) is most clearly seen in the way in which the Overview and Scrutiny function,
and particularly the Overview and Scrutiny Management Committee (OSMC), has
been developed and allowed to work within the Council. Properly run, Overview and
Scrutiny should provide a key balance to the executive power of the Mayor by
scrutinising decisions and actions or making recommendations about the exercise of
executive functions. It does fulfil that function in Doncaster. During the last nine
months, OSMC and the four standing panels have made 162 recommendations to the
Executive, of which 79 have been accepted and 83 rejected. However, it also operates
as if it is a separate Executive function within the Council, developing its own policy
and budget, with the aim of marginalising and weakening the democratically elected
Mayor. We were given evidence that this is not a new phenomenon, and that this
separate function had been developing over a number of years.
46 It is perfectly legitimate for OSMC to play a role in developing the budget. The
Council's constitution states that OSMC ‘will, at its discretion: Assist the Full Council
and the Executive in the development of its budget and policy framework by in-depth
analysis of policy issues.’ The Council's constitution also makes it clear that although
OSMC is generally entitled to develop its own work programme in some areas, its role
in relation to the Budget and Policy framework is set out in the relevant part of the
Council's procedure rules. These rules require it to respond to proposals in the Mayor's
budget and do not envisage OSMC developing its own budget.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 14

The Council
47 However, the role played by OSMC in setting the 2010/11 budget went beyond the
provision of assistance or the exercise of scrutiny. It amounted to a separate process
leading to the preparation of an alternative budget to that of the Mayor. Officers were
required to service both the development of a Mayoral budget, and also support a
six-month long process of developing an OSMC budget in wholly inappropriate levels
of detail. There was no sense of OSMC seeking to scrutinise, add value to and make
recommendations about the Mayoral budget, but rather of a deliberate attempt to
create a separate budget. Detailed budget templates, broken down by service, were
discussed and refined with OSMC, and from November onwards were often discussed
with OSMC before being discussed with Cabinet.
48 Officers did attempt to make the budget process less politically divisive, for example by
exploring with the Mayor options for a smaller cut in council tax. The Mayor states that
he was prepared to compromise on his manifesto commitment of a 3 per cent
reduction, and proposed a 2.6 per cent reduction as an alternative. Officers found him
unwilling to explore whether this could be phased over a series of years, or delivered in
a later year of the mayoral term.
49 The opposition of Full Council to the mayoral proposal to reduce council tax by
3 per cent, and their advocacy of a 3 per cent increase to ‘protect services’ should be
seen in the context of that same Council having agreed in each of the four preceding
years a council tax rise pegged to the Retail Prices Index (in other words, a real terms
increase of nil).
50 The Mayor’s budget was voted on and rejected by Council on 22 February 2010, and
the alternative budget of OSMC was voted on and approved by Council on
22 February 2010.
51 To understand the implications of this it is important to remember that the elected
Mayor is the principal executive authority within the Council. The purpose of Overview
and Scrutiny is to hold him and his Cabinet to account for the way they exercise this
authority, and to contribute to evidence-based policy making. But Doncaster’s OSMC
is being used not to scrutinise the Executive, but to bypass it. It is a mechanism for
hindering the elected Mayor’s capacity to act and leaving him largely powerless. This
results in deadlock and undermines the Council’s ability to fulfil its duty to make
effective arrangements for the continuous improvement of its functions.
The role of officers
52 Officers acquiesce in this inappropriate use of OSMC. Their motivations for doing so
are mixed, but in general are suggestive of officers who have come to accept it as a
legitimate manifestation of a member-led authority and who lack the collective ability to
withstand unreasonable demands from senior councillors.
53 Even some councillors who have attempted to stay impartial report that they find it
difficult now to trust officers. They fear that some officer advice has become unduly
influenced by the power wielded by one political faction or the other. This loss of trust
in the impartiality of officers is inevitably corrosive. For example, recent positive news
about improvements in Adult Services has not been fully believed.

15 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

The Council
54 It is also important to note that the budget proposals developed through this process
are not addressing the strategic issues facing the Council. There is a disproportionate
focus on minutiae (such as saving £1,700 on laundering tea-towels) while leaving
major savings, in one case amounting to over £500,000, still to be identified.
55 Even at the detailed level, the budgetary process is inadequate. Savings proposals in
children's services have not been discussed with partners, and staff are unclear what
the proposals mean for their posts. There is no reference in the Children's Services
Directorate budget to the planned reduction, by one-third, in the use of external
out-of-borough placements for children and young people. Education budget proposals
are not accompanied by a costed workforce strategy to explain the cost implications of
eventualities such as qualified social workers opting to fill current vacancies.
Leadership styles of councillors
56 The behaviour of a small but highly influential group of councillors plays an important
role in creating the climate in which officers, and other councillors, operate. It is a
major factor in preventing the Council from effectively improving its functions.
57 We have been provided with consistent evidence of behaviours from some key
councillors that clearly amount to bullying and harassment. These include comments
such as ‘we have long memories’ and ‘we will get you’ made to officers when in the
course of their professional duty they have given advice which certain councillors are
uncomfortable with or dislike. In this environment, certain officers have left the Council,
certain officers remain but are weakened, and certain officers persevere with trying to
deliver better services in spite of the political environment in which they operate.
Complaints are not always taken to Standards Committee because it is perceived as
weak and ineffective in the political environment that exists.
58 As part of this inspection, we undertook a staff survey. We had over 1,400 responses
in the two weeks in which staff had the opportunity to respond. Asked whether they
agree or disagree with the statement ‘There is clear and effective leadership within the
Council by Councillors, 60 per cent of staff responding disagreed or strongly
disagreed. An additional 21 per cent didn’t know.
59 Our staff survey showed a difference of view amongst staff as to whether the Council’s
culture promoted respect. Asked whether they agree or disagree with the statement
‘The Council’s culture promotes mutual respect between councillors and staff’
34 per cent agreed or strongly agreed. However, 57 per cent disagreed or strongly
disagreed. A further 13 per cent didn’t know.
60 There is no planned and effective approach to borough-wide consultation with
residents. Residents feel they are informed rather than consulted. The Council used to
have a Citizens Panel, but this has been disbanded. The Council will be unable to
improve services for all Doncaster residents unless it listens to all of its residents about
their needs. The Council's Community Involvement Strategy 2010-2013 identifies that
current practice is poor on a number of counts, including that insufficient information is
available to the public, and relies on too few methods of involvement, missing out
several groups' voices.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 16

The Council
61 The recent Place Survey revealed that 22 per cent of Doncaster people think they can
influence the decisions made by the Council. This puts the Council in the worst of
14 comparable councils. The average for the comparator group is 26 per cent.
Being ambassadors and working with partners
62 The Local Development Framework also provides an example of the way in which the
antagonistic political environment within the Council results in slow decision making,
and puts at risk better outcomes for local residents.
63 The Local Development Framework is a key document setting out spatial and strategic
development priorities and proposals, which have a fundamental impact on partners
both within Doncaster and on other councils in the South Yorkshire area. The plans
have been significantly delayed, and while they have now been revised and updated
will now have to go back to Overview and Scrutiny. Officers foresee a difficult time
politically as historic antagonisms are played out again between the competing political
factions. Uncertainty remains about whether it will be possible to broker a political
consensus around this key policy.
64 The slowness of decision-making is also impacting on the prospects for children and
young people within Doncaster. The Building Schools for the Future programme offers
opportunities for significant capital funding, but these are in danger of being
squandered because of the lack of clarity about critical budget decisions. Delays in
decision making have affected the NHS Local Improvement Finance Trust programme
and delayed agreement on a new health centre which would give opportunities for
Council social workers and health to work together. It is, of course, perfectly proper
that there should be political debate about this and other policies. But failure to make
decisions hinders officers from developing budgets. Still more important, it risks
depriving the people of Doncaster of investments that could be made in improving the
services they receive.
The appointment of the former Interim Chief Executive
65 The process of appointing the former Interim Chief Executive, Tim Leader, is
symptomatic of the fundamental governance failures which afflict the Council. It is a
prime example of poor governance processes at work. It also exemplifies the inability
of a key officer and some councillors involved in the process to see above their own
self interest and act for the greater good of the people of Doncaster.
66 The former Interim Chief Executive, who was previously the Monitoring Officer of the
Council, failed to behave in a way that lives up to the required standards of behaviour.
He undermined perceptions of the role of Chief Executive as an impartial servant of the
Mayor and the Council. The Council failed to live up to minimum governance
standards, and persevered with an appointment process they were advised by external
legal experts was flawed.
67 The process shows:
• a Monitoring Officer advising on matters in which he had a clear self interest;
• the Council rejecting internal and external advice, including legal advice;

17 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

The Council
• the Council persevering with a flawed process despite that advice; and
• the Council being willing to appoint, and then reaffirm, an Interim Chief Executive
with whom the Mayor had stated he could not work.
68 The way in which statutory chief officers of local authorities conduct themselves is
fundamental to good governance in any Council. The Head of Paid Service (also
known as the Chief Executive) is required to be the senior leader of the council’s staff,
have oversight of all council services, and act as an ambassador for the authority
externally. Crucially, they must be impartial, and be seen to be impartial.
69 Councils are also required to appoint a Monitoring Officer. That person cannot also be
the Head of Paid Service. The Monitoring Officer’s role is also crucial to good
governance, and theirs is the onerous task of having to advise councillors, and other
chief officers, if their proposed actions or behaviours stray to the point of illegality.
Again, their independence, impartiality, and good judgement are crucial.
Events leading to the appointment of the former Interim Chief Executive
70 The events around the appointment of the former Interim Chief Executive are
complicated. What follows is a summary of the considerable volume of evidence we
have received. A full chronology and explanation is given at Appendix 2.
71 Mr Leader came to Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council in September 2009, as
Director of Resources and as Monitoring Officer, through an external recruitment
exercise overseen by a recruitment agency. At his best he was seen as inspirational by
some Councillors and some staff. He was described by some as intelligent, giving of
clear direction and purpose, insightful and incisive. However, there were also contrary
views about Mr Leader. Some questioned his temperament, the level of his skills to
undertake what is a hugely difficult job, and also the extent to which his actions
through January and February 2010 were self-serving. He did not have the full
confidence of all of his chief officer colleagues.
72 The chronology of events at Appendix 2 show Mr Leader played an active part in
leading the advice to the Council, and to the Chief Officers Appointments Committee
(COAC), about the appointment process. We have seen no evidence that Mr Leader
expressed concern about the fundamental conflict between his ability to advise the
Mayor, Cabinet and Council impartially, and his being one of the likely beneficiaries of
the process about which he was advising.
73 The evidence we have received makes it clear that Mr Leader continued to advise the
Council on the process it should follow to appoint an Interim Chief Executive even after
it became clear that he was a leading candidate for that position.
74 Legal advice from Eversheds to the Cabinet on 19 January 2010 suggested
Mr Leader’s actions may have been contrary to the Employees Code of Conduct. In
Evershed’s view Mr Leader should have withdrawn from the process and declared an
interest.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 18

The Council
75 Further legal advice from Wragge & Co to Ms Leigh (Director of People, Performance
and Improvement) and Mr Roger Harvey (Interim Monitoring Officer), dated 1 February
2010, was clear. ‘The procedural objections can not be lightly discarded. They appear
to be serious, honestly held and substantial in terms of the importance of the
appointment’. They were also of the view that ‘Members must consider with great care
how the Council’s interest can lie in appointing to the post of Chief Executive, a
candidate with whom the directly elected Mayor says he cannot work with’[sic].
76 The legal advice also suggested two further defects with the procedure adopted by the
Council on 18 January 2010. The Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council
Constitution was defective in not including within the COAC a voting member of the
Executive (in other words. the Mayor or a Cabinet member). Secondly, the resolution
of the Council on 18 January was not effective because statutory consultation and
objection to any proposed appointment had not taken place. Both procedural
requirements are contained in the Local Authorities (Standing Orders) (England)
Regulations 2001.
77 The Extraordinary Meeting of Council on 3 February 2010 was called to discuss again
the appointment of the Interim Chief Executive. The Interim Monitoring Officer,
Mr Harvey, and the partner from Wragge & Co both spoke to the meeting. Both
advised Council to refer the process back to COAC and get them to rehearse and
decide on the procedural and substantive objections to the process adopted on
18 January. It is unclear, had this happened, whether COAC would have been
reconstituted to include a member of the Executive, but in any event it was immaterial.
Full Council declined to send these issues back to COAC. They sat for six and a half
hours and re-affirmed Mr Leader’s appointment.
78 We have been told that in the period prior to the meeting on 3 February, key national
political figures from local government were in Doncaster speaking to their local
groups, and it has been suggested that they advised the groups to think very carefully
about respecting the wishes of the Mayor. If so, this advice was ignored.
79 We have highlighted the inappropriateness of Mr Leader advising on the process that
led to his own appointment. But this is not the only issue of governance that arises
from this episode. When engaged in appointing an interim Chief Executive, Councillors
were prepared to disregard independent legal advice that the process they were
adopting was flawed.
80 As a postscript to these events, there was subsequently a whistleblowing complaint
about the appointment process for the former Interim Chief Executive.
81 It should also be noted the District Auditor is currently seeking legal advice and is
awaiting the conclusion of this inspection before he decides whether there is any
action he needs to take in response to the Corporate Governance Inspection findings
in relation to the defects in the appointment process.

19 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

The Mayor and his Cabinet
The Mayor and his Cabinet
The Mayor fails to act in a way which demonstrates an understanding of how an
elected Mayor might lead his authority in an inclusive way with a view to building
consensus. Some of the behaviours adopted by the Mayor, and some Cabinet
members, fail to meet required standards.
82 In a well-governed mayoral authority we would expect the Mayor and Cabinet to:
• adopt leadership styles and behaviours which are open, inclusive, and engender
trust from staff, other council partners, and the public;
• discuss priorities with the rest of the Council and be seen to respond to the
Council’s feedback;
• work collectively with officers to develop those priorities into clear, costed, plans of
action, which are shared and agreed with partners;
• be clear and decisive about their political priorities; and
• act as ambassadors for the Council in the wider area, to work effectively with
partners.
Leadership styles and behaviours
83 The Mayor is not the cause of the Council's problems, which date back to a time before
either he or his predecessor were elected. However, the way he has set about his task
has tended to make those problems worse. He acknowledges that he is inexperienced
and the leadership he and his Cabinet provide has so far lacked the sophistication and
skill that would help the Council and its partners to deliver better services for the
people of Doncaster.
84 The Mayor was elected in June 2009. By his own admission this was something of a
surprise to him. He lacked any background in local government politics, but found
himself overnight in a position of considerable power and influence over the people of
Doncaster and the services they receive. His expressed views are unsympathetic to
many of the normal processes by which decisions are traditionally taken and policies
developed in local government.
85 The Mayor's views on issues of diversity and political correctness are well known, and
formed part of the platform on which he was elected. He is, of course, entitled to
pursue his political agenda as a democratically elected Mayor, and is doing so.
86 However as Mayor he has also certain responsibilities including, for example, a
statutory duty in discharging the functions of the Council to have regard to the need to
promote good race relations. Perhaps partly through inexperience, he seems
insufficiently aware that the way he expresses his views might compromise his ability
to discharge those responsibilities.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 20

The Mayor and his Cabinet
87 The Mayor’s statements about removing translation services, or there being 'no such
thing as child poverty' have led to confusion. Partners are unclear what they mean for
them, and for jointly-agreed objectives within the Borough Strategy and Local Area
Agreement, such as helping and supporting vulnerable groups. They have also caused
major concerns amongst vulnerable groups within Doncaster. Some staff, residents
including some from the black and minority ethnic communities, and representatives of
the voluntary and community sector, expressed concern that certain people within
Doncaster may see some of the Mayor’s comments as legitimising their racist and
homophobic behaviour.
88 In discussion, the Mayor is more balanced, and suggests that he accepts the need to
adhere to legal duties around racial equality and the need to address inequality and
poverty. He appears to accept the need for translation services to aid in the
safeguarding of vulnerable adults from minority backgrounds. However, his public
utterances, which he may see as serving a useful political purpose, have served
internally to confuse and de-motivate staff; externally to confuse partners; and publicly
to worry sections of the community who are already vulnerable.
89 Asked whether they agree or disagree with the statement ‘There is clear and effective
leadership within the Council by the Mayor,’ 67 per cent of staff responding to our
survey disagreed or strongly disagreed. An additional 16 per cent didn’t know.
Working with the Council
90 The Mayor and Cabinet find it difficult to work constructively with the Council. This is in
no small part due to the behaviours of some councillors. However, the Mayor is also
not averse to provocative and inflammatory statements and these serve to create
division when compromise and conciliation are required.
91 An elected Mayor requires the approval of the full Council for key decisions, such as
the budget. The Mayor, coming from a minority party (the English Democrats), has little
natural support within the Council and consistently struggles to capture enough votes
to secure his policies. His current Cabinet consists of three Conservative and three
independent members. Attempts to attract independent members to sit on the Cabinet
have caused acrimony and given rise to complaints.
92 It is in the context of this unstable and limited powerbase, that the Mayor’s attitudes
towards political leadership within the Council, and how to build consensus amongst
competing politicians and groups, becomes problematic. The Mayor has genuinely
tried to discuss matters of mutual interest, and has sought to make alliances with
groups and individuals in return for support. He has himself identified that at least nine
of his ten priorities could easily link to priorities already expressed within the Borough
Strategy.
93 However, the Mayor lacks the political skills to build and maintain consensus. His
offers for others to ‘get in touch’ are often not followed through, and he fails to
understand that simply saying ‘my door is always open’ will not result in dialogue
unless his behaviours, attitudes, and opinions also support a more collusive and open
approach. The Mayor has not responded positively to offers of help, for example from
IDeA. The Mayor has also decided to take the Council out of the Local Government
Association and the Local Government Information Unit from 2011.

21 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

The Mayor and his Cabinet
94 The Mayor, and the Council, are too insular in their approach, failing sometimes to see
the key links between Doncaster and the rest of South Yorkshire and the City Region.
This in turn may mean opportunities to improve with the rest of South Yorkshire are
missed. In addition, their lack of appreciation of issues relating to diversity risks
perpetuating inequality amongst the people who live within Doncaster. For example,
Council strategies do not feature children who come from gypsy and traveller families,
despite there being over 4,000 gypsies and travellers in the Doncaster area.
Working with officers
95 The Mayor is isolated, and has too often been unwilling to take advice. In his early
days he relied heavily on Mr Hart, the then Chief Executive. This had two
consequences. It took so much of the Chief Executive’s time that it affected his ability
to function as a strategic leader of the staff within the Council. It also created a
perception amongst some (already antagonistic) councillors that the Chief Executive
was becoming too friendly with the Mayor.
96 The induction process for the Mayor did not lead him to understand how the Council
works. In his view, considerable time was spent on key policy issues and service
concerns, but only belatedly was he told about the mechanics of how a mayoral
authority works: what key decisions are; the necessity to get key decisions through Full
Council; and the respective roles and powers of the Mayor, the Cabinet as Executive,
the Council, and the Overview and Scrutiny function. Others suggest that these
briefings did take place. Whatever the process, the result was that the Mayor only
belatedly gained an understanding of the processes that had to be adopted in relation
to certain decisions, and this resulted in further delay. It also increased the Mayor’s
frustration that as democratically elected Mayor it was proving so difficult to ‘get things
done’.
97 Recent events, and the divide between the Mayor and Cabinet and the Interim Chief
Executive only served to increase this isolation and underscore the Mayor’s frustration.
By the Mayor’s own admission, getting decisions taken was like ‘wading through
treacle’. This is further evidence in support of our conclusion that the Council has failed
to make proper arrangements to fulfil its duty of continuous improvement.
Clear and decisive
98 The Mayor’s, and some Cabinet members', bluff approach to dialogue also extends to
the way in which they relate to officers. Some officers report considerable pressure
being put on them to amend or alter professional advice. If advice is contrary to
expectations, then officers sense they fall out of favour. Clearly, this is not conducive to
a well-governed organisation or to a situation in which officers feel able to give
impartial advice.
99 In part, as a result of the political impasse within the Council, key decisions have been
slow to be taken or still remain undecided. Examples include decisions about the
Local Development Framework, which is described in Paragraph 63.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 22

The Mayor and his Cabinet
100 A further example of slow decision making, involving partners, relates to the decent
homes programme delivered with St Leger Homes – the ALMO. On becoming
Chief Executive in May 2009, the Chief Executive of the ALMO defined a series of key
decisions on which she needed clarity from the Council to enable her to deliver ALMO
and Council priorities. Examples included clarity on whether tower blocks were to be
included in Decent Homes Standard refurbishment plans, and if so to what extent –
just windows and doors, or full refurbishment to include repairing concrete and
improving thermal efficiency. The Chief Executive stated she needed these key
decisions by November 2009, thus giving six months for discussions and resolution. In
February 2010, three months after the deadline, and ten months after identifying the
issues that needed to be decided, there was still a lack of clarity, having discussed and
redrafted proposals around these programmes three times. We understand this
decision may now have been taken.
Working with partners
101 A further impact of the conflict within the Council is the confusion it creates with
partners about what the Council’s long-term priorities are. There are mayoral priorities
and there is a Borough Strategy, and partners and staff express confusion about how
these are linked. The corporate strategy also fails to link properly with individual
service development plans. The recently defined strategic vision for children and
young people is not yet set firmly within a clear corporate strategy as this corporate
strategy still consists of the priorities inherited from the previous Mayor.
102 The Cabinet has limited experience. Whilst some portfolio holders are acc
others are inexperienced and appear less comfortable with the strategic leadership
required. Some have clear views of their own, and in certain cases these have cause
confusion and concern with partners. The ALMO, St Leger Homes, is in ongoing
discussion with the Cabinet, and portfolio holder, over the length of its managem
agreement. There are differing views about how long the ALMO agreement sho
for, but one consequence of the portfolio holder seeking a shorter term is that ALM
staff have become concerned about their job security. Tenants have also become
concerned that their homes, scheduled to be improved in the latter stages of the
Decent Homes process, may not get the necessary funding as they believe the ALMO
may not exist in the longer term. This is both unhelpful and destabilising.
The rejection o
omplished,
d
ent
uld last
O

103 f the usual methods of working with others is also slowing the progress
c
n.

partners can make. For example, the Mayor’s chairmanship of the Local Strategi
Partnership Board – Discover the Sprit (the DTS Board) - is causing some confusio

23 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Officers
Officers
The former Interim Chief Executive failed to act properly. More generally, chief officers
have not always acted corporately, have struggled to provide leadership, and have not
acted as a team. Some have become used to the dysfunctional politics of the Council,
and no longer seek to maintain proper boundaries between definitions of the
respective roles of officers and councillors. Some officers have stopped seeking
political support for new strategic service plans, and seek to deliver them without
political discussion.
104 Despite the political environment in which they operate, and despite previous con
restructuring, some officers are highly credible and have succeeded in improving
services. Examples include the Adult Services Director, where a clear, logical and
methodical approach to service improvement, involving staff and partners, has secured
a rating from Care Quality Commission for 2009 of ‘performing well’, having previo
been rated as adequate and having been identified as a Department of Health priority
for improvement. The new Director of Children’s Services has considerable pers
credibility, and a clear sense of how much, and how far, the children's service still ha
to improve. Many officers and staff work tirelessly to deliver services of which they can
be proud. Too often, however, their successes are achieved despite, rather than
because of, the leadership they receive.
fused
poor

usly
onal
s

105 Some of the Council's services attract negative attention. The children's service is the
most notable and serious example, but others exist such as housing services, in
particular the level of voids, and housing services for vulnerable people. Corporate
leadership has failed to quickly and effectively deal with these serious weaknesses. A
reorganisation of the Council in 2005 is widely seen by staff at varying grades as
having been disastrous. It created a matrix management approach which left staff
confused, with several lines of accountability, and no clear recourse to advice when
problems arose. It has taken years to remedy the impact of this reorganisation, and
there remain some vestiges of it which chief officers know they need to correct (for
example the location of warden services in Neighbourhoods and Communities as
opposed to Adult Services).
106 The Council has had a consistently high rate of turnover of chief officers, especially
within children's services. This creates confusion, inevitably leads to new ways of
working and new strategic approaches from each chief officer, and prevents the
forming of a stable and effective corporate team. It also disrupts the ability of the
corporate management team to effectively discuss and respond to issues which cover
more than one departmental boundary. One example is the 2005 Every Child Matters
agenda, on which the Council has been consistently slow to respond. There has been
a failure to see that the issues in Every Child Matters relate not just to services for
children and young people but are connected with housing, regeneration, skills, health,
and the safeguarding of children in transition to adulthood. The Every Child Matters
agenda is therefore also relevant to partners in police, the NHS, and the voluntary
sector. The Council has been similarly slow in responding to the current policy on
children’s trusts.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 24

Officers
107 Allied to this high officer turnover is a high use of interim appointments to provide stop
gap cover. Whilst highly skilled in their own fields, such interims inevitably come with
their own ideas of how to ‘fix’ things, and in some cases have exhibited an
unwillingness to learn from chief officer colleagues, some of whom (for example in
Adult Services) already had a proven and effective track record of service
improvement in a Doncaster context. This failure to learn from colleagues internally
slows the speed of service improvement and again acts against a truly corporate and
shared approach being developed to services.
-
ired.



108 At the point the Secretary of State intervened in children's services, the Council
acknowledged its lack of capacity to manage children’s services, but the series of
interim directors, and continued use of interim and temporary staff in key functions
such as contact, referral and assessment has hindered safeguarding of children. There
are some signs of progress, such as a multi-agency resource panel, that has improved
access to placement for vulnerable children; and the continuation of high quality
provision by the Youth Service. The appointment of a permanent Director of Children's
Services from outside the Council and of two assistant directors, signals an opportunity
for stability and coherence that has been lacking for years.
109 However, a more corporate approach to improving children’s services is still requ
At a recent Corporate Leadership Team (CLT) meeting chief officers, led by the former
Interim Chief Executive, failed to properly discuss a corporate response from all
services to the need to serve children and young people better. A conclusion that the
improvement plan be brought back to CLT in ‘two or three months’ showed a worrying
inability to seize and drive corporately the most important issue the Council faces.
There was no sense of CLT taking corporate responsibility and providing tangible
support; rather it was just left to the Director concerned who had only recently arrived
at the Council.
110 Examples exist of good service provision, among them adults’ services,
Neighbourhoods and Communities and physical regeneration. There have also been
successes in job creation and new business starts. But there is a worrying attitude
amongst councillors and some staff that ‘services in Doncaster are good’. They are
not. There are clear failings in children's services, and whilst prospects for the future
look more promising than they have for a while, the current state of the service is weak
and not fit for purpose. Housing services received a red flag in the Comprehensive
Area Assessment in 2009, as a result of a high level of void (empty) properties and
poor provision for vulnerable groups. There are high levels of health inequality, high
levels of unemployment amongst local people, a relatively lowly skilled local workforce,
and a high level of non-decent homes.
111 Certain officers have suggested that, in part, frustrated at the slowness of decision
making and the acrimony involved when any political direction or agreement is
required, they have begun to seek to avoid political input into policy development and
delivery. This is, from one perspective, understandable, and may allow the Chief
Officer to ‘get on’. However, it runs the risk of undermining trust in officers amongst
councillors who remain impartial in the ongoing antagonism between Council and
Mayor. It also militates against a truly integrated and corporate approach to service
development and delivery, and therefore reduces the likelihood of sustained
improvement in services to the people of Doncaster.

25 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Officers
112 Certain other officers have become accepting of the political dysfunction around them
Their acquiescence means that certain councillors remain able to act inappro
exercising Executive functions in policy development where they should not. This
acquiescence on the part of officers may be connected to instances reported to the
inspection team of bullying by councillors, and in one instance by another chief of
colleague. A number of chief officers did not trust the former
.
priately,
ficer
e.
113 we undertook a staff survey. Asked whether they agree or

Other governance failings
Interim Chief Executiv
As part of this inspection
disagree with the statement ‘There is clear and effective leadership within the Council
by senior officers,’ 47 per cent of staff responding agreed or strongly agreed. However,
42 per cent of staff disagreed or disagreed strongly. An additional 10 per cent didn’t
know.
114 The ongoing failures within children's services were one of the triggers that led to the

115 istently

il to be
116 ment is also critical of the Council’s delivery of value for money; the
king,
117 officers and was not
Corporate Governance Inspection. In children’s services communication is poor,
management is inconsistent and the Council does little to gather and act on the views
of staff. Communication is often via email, and staff report incidences of bullying using
email. Inconsistent management of children and young people’s teams leaves some
staff without information, support, or professional development. Despite this, staff
remain loyal to the Council but desperate for improvements to happen.
The Council's performance management is poorly developed and incons
applied. The Council’s self-assessment, which must be treated with caution as it was
prepared without input from Mayor, Cabinet or councillors, is nonetheless clear and
direct about the failings in performance management. It states that ‘the lack of
consistency in service delivery across the board and the tendency of the Counc
taken by surprise by poor performance stems from the lack of performance
management’.
The self-assess
lack of clarity of roles and behaviours; the firmly held and entrenched opposition to the
mayoral system; and the failure to live out defined values and behaviours. It also
recognises the need to improve the use of good quality information in decision ma
and the need to improve governance procedures with partners.
It is telling that this self-assessment was produced by certain key
a collective submission by the Mayor, Cabinet, councillors, and officers. Whilst honest
about certain aspects of governance as exist currently, the self-assessment is too
optimistic about the prospects of change for the future, and in particular seems to
underplay the difficulty of brokering any future political consensus where little has
existed before.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 26

Appendix 1 – Full list of members of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council for
municipal year 2009/10
Appendix 1 – Full list of members
of Doncaster Metropolitan
Borough Council for municipal
year 2009/10

Source: www.doncaster.gov.uk/about/chamber/default.asp?Nav=PartyList

Party or group Members
Community Group Party 4
Conservative Party 9
English Democrats 1
Independent or not affiliated to a party 3
Labour Party 26
Liberal Democrat Party 12
The Alliance of Independent Members
Group 9
Community Group Party

Member Political party or group role
Martin Williams Leader
Carol Williams Deputy Leader
Stuart Exelby
Nigel Hodges


27 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 1 – Full list of members of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council for
municipal year 2009/10

Conservative Party

Member Political party or group role
Barbara Hoyle Leader
Yvonne Woodcock Deputy Leader
Patricia Bartlett
Bob Ford
Allan Jones
Cynthia Ransome
Patricia Schofield
Jonathan Wood
Doreen Woodhouse
English Democrats

Member Political party or group role
Peter Davies
Independent or not affiliated to a party

Member Political party or group role
Andrea Milner
Mark Thompson
Richard Walker


Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 28

Appendix 1 – Full list of members of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council for
municipal year 2009/10
Labour Party

Member Political party or group role
Joe Blackham Leader
John McHale Deputy Leader
Susan Bolton
Elsie Butler
Richard Cooper-Holmes
Marilyn Green
Stuart Hardy
Beryl Harrison
Sandra Holland
Moira Hood
Eva Hughes
Mick Jameson
Barry Johnson J.P.
Glyn Jones
Ros Jones
Ken Keegan
Ted Kitchen
Ken Knight
Chris Mills
Bill Mordue
John Mounsey
Beryl Roberts
Craig Sahman
Tony Sockett
Norah Troops
Austen White



29 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 1 – Full list of members of Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council for
municipal year 2009/10

Liberal Democrat Party

Member Political party or group role
Paul Coddington Leader
Eric Tatton-Kelly Deputy Leader
Kevin Abell
Jill Arkley-Jevons
Paul Bissett
Stephen Coddington
Clifford Hampson
Karen Hampson
Susan Phillips
Pat Porritt
Edwin Simpson
Patrick Wilson
The Alliance of Independent Members Group

Member Political party or group role
Garth Oxby Leader
Deborah Hutchinson Deputy Leader
Tony Brown
Peter Farrell
David Hughes J.P.
Mick Maye
Georgina Mullis
Ray Mullis
Margaret Pinkney


Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 30

Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive section
Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence
supporting former Interim Chief
Executive section
Events leading to the appointment of the former Interim Chief Executive (Mr Leader)
1 Mr Leader came to Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council in September 2009, as
Director of Resources and as Monitoring Officer, through an external recruitment
exercise overseen by a recruitment agency.
2 Prior to Mr Leader’s appointment, in April 2009, Mr Hooper joined the Council as
Monitoring Officer. On becoming Deputy Director of Children’s Services, Mr Hooper
relinquished this job to Mr Leader in September 2009.
3 In early 2010, the position of the Chief Executive, Mr Hart, was unclear. He had
mentioned privately to colleagues in early 2009 that he might in the future have to
leave the Council because of views expressed to him by certain influential councillors,
but nothing further had come of this. On Monday 11 January 2010 Mr Hart announced
that he was leaving the Council. By the end of that week (15 January) he had left.
Mr Leader led the process by which the Council began to consider how to find a
successor, a process made even more urgent by an imminent meeting the following
week with the Department of Communities and Local Government, to discuss the
continued inability of the Council to improve failing services and deliver good
governance.
4 Discussions were ongoing during the week of 11 to 15 January, including speculation
as to who would be Interim Chief Executive. We have been told that during this week
Mr Leader, in response to a question, specifically ruled himself out as a candidate. It
was he who advised that, due to pressure of time, the Chair and Vice Chair of the
Chief Officer Appointments Committee (COAC) could decide on a candidate and
recommend them to Full Council for their vote, rather than go through the longer
procedure of convening the COAC, considering a range of candidates, considering
their merits, and asking Council to vote on them all. The advice, from Mr Leader as the
Monitoring Officer, on the use of the urgency route was clear and unequivocal.
5 During the week there was talk of a variety of possible candidates for the Interim
Chief Executive job. During the course of Thursday 14 January it emerged that Mr
Leader was a candidate, not least because he had been named as the preferred
candidate by the Vice Chair of the COAC. The Mayor at this stage saw both Mr Leader
and Mr Hooper as potential candidates, but expressed a preference for Mr Hooper
(though also a view he could work with either). The Mayor suggested he might see Mr
Hooper as only an interim appointment, and support Mr Leader as permanent Chief
Executive in a year or so.

31 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive section

6 Ms Leigh, the Director of People, Performance and Improvement, has said she
reviewed Mr Leader’s Curriculum Vitae from his application for the Director of
Corporate Resources post and concluded he had the skills to carry out the Interim
Chief Executive post.
7 Ms Leigh has said she contacted the Chair and Vice Chair of the COAC, individually by
telephone, and they both nominated the Monitoring Officer, saying they had
considered other members of the Corporate Management Team.
8 Ms Leigh spoke to the Mayor about the appointment. He wanted to suggest the Interim
Deputy Director of Children’s Services, Mr Hooper (who was the previous Monitoring
Officer), but also suggested he was willing to work with Mr Leader.
9 The Mayor, in a conversation with Mr Leader, asked him to stand aside in favour of
Mr Hooper, with some suggestion that Mr Leader might get the permanent
Chief Executive job a year or so later.
10 The Mayor sought advice on how the process should be conducted, and was advised
by the Deputy Monitoring Officer (Mr Harvey) that if there were two candidates, one
backed by COAC and one backed by Mayor, then each candidate should be put to the
vote of Full Council on 18 January (the following Monday).
11 By the end of Thursday 14 January there were two prospective candidates for the
Interim Chief Executive job, one the preferred candidate of the Mayor and one the
preferred nominee of the COAC. On Friday 15 January Mr Leader convened a meeting
of Ms Leigh (who as Director of People, Performance and Improvement is the chief
officer responsible for Human Resources and was to be the author of the report for
COAC, to be discussed at Council on 18 January) and of Mr Harvey as Deputy
Monitoring Officer. At this meeting Mr Leader made clear that the COAC Chair and
Vice Chair would make their report, and also made it clear that they would not be
making an alternative (in other words, Mr Hooper) recommendation. The report
subsequently authored by Ms Leigh accordingly contained a recommendation to
appoint Mr Leader. Mr Leader’s advice to Ms Leigh and Mr Harvey was that contrary to
the advice Mr Harvey had previously given the Mayor, COAC could recommend to
Council that they consider only one candidate.
12 This discussion was followed up by an email dated 15 January from Mr Leader to the
Chair of COAC, providing advice on the appointment process:
• 'The Mayor is entitled to be consulted on the recommendation [from COAC], thus
he can express his reasonably held views about the candidate that you put
forward. On reflection the Mayor is not, however, entitled to substitute his own
recommendation for yours and VC’s, although you could, at your complete
discretion, allow him that facility. If you go down the route of allowing the Mayor to
promote an alternative a whole range of other issues come into play, which we
talked about last night and which I can note for you if you like. I have, however, left
them out of this afternoon’s note in order to keep things simple.' Cc to Vice Chair of
COAC, Director of People, Performance and Improvement and Deputy Monitoring
Officer.

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 32

Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive section
13 On Sunday 17 January at 6.16.p.m. Mr Leader emailed Ms Leigh, and copied in the
Chair and Vice Chair of the COAC. The email was a response to a question from Ms
Leigh to Mr Leader, as Monitoring Officer, about what consultation had taken place,
and with whom, on the proposals to be put to Council. She needed this information to
record in her report to full Council on the next day (Monday 18 January).
14 In this email Mr Leader stated:
• the Mayor had spoken to the Chair and Vice Chair of COAC, on more than one
occasion (the minutes of 18 January Council meeting suggest that actually it was
the other way round and that the Vice Chair had spoken to Mayor, and Chair and
Vice Chair had spoken to group leaders);
• 'the Mayor has thus been fully informed of the Chair and Vice Chair’s proposal. If
all that does not amount to consultation I don’t know what does'; and
• Mr Leader went on to state that the Mayor’s right to be consulted meant being
consulted on the proposal of the Chair and Vice Chair of COAC and not the right to
put an alternative proposal, and that this ‘is not up for debate’. He (Mr Leader) was
‘keen to learn the source of any conflicting advice and be told what it is’. Mr Leader
went on to suggest to the Chair and Vice Chair of COAC 'I am in any event inclined
to remain in Council when this matter is discussed so that if procedural issues do
arise they can be dealt with firmly. I will though consult with others on this. The
bottom line is this: there is a report before Council, which is thus seized of the
matter. Procedure will now be at the discretion of the Chair and the adequacy or
otherwise of the process (and the desirability of the recommendation) will fall to be
determined by the Council'.
15 The Monday 18 January Council meeting proved to be a very difficult and contentious
meeting. Mr Leader did not attend the relevant part of the meeting. The Deputy
Monitoring Officer, Mr Harvey, advised the meeting that the Council’s constitution had
a clear process for how to deal with two candidates: that they should vote on both, with
the names being taken in alphabetical order (in other words, Mr Hooper would go first).
The Mayor tried to propose his alternative candidate, but before this was seconded the
debate moved on. The Chair of Council intervened to say that Council had the COAC
report, they had its recommendation, and Council would now vote on this. At this point
in proceedings the COAC Chair suggested she was no longer happy with the
recommendation. She reportedly came under severe pressure, and then retired from
the meeting in tears. The Council voted, and Mr Leader became Interim
Chief Executive.
16 In a postscript to a file note on 20 January, Ms Leigh explained the decision to seek
external advice from lawyers, and records that a range of officers who would usually
provide such advice were potentially implicated, therefore might not be seen to be
independent. In addition, she recognised that independent legal advice was necessary
given the complexity and difficulty of the issues the Council needed to respond to in
relation to the appointments process.

33 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive section

17 On 20 January Mr Leader gave the Mayor a six-page letter. It records the difficult
conversation the Mayor and Mr Leader had had following Mr Leader’s appointment by
the Council on 18 January. It records that the advice from Eversheds to Cabinet
identified that the appointment process was legally flawed, and that the Mayor was
considering an application for a judicial review of the process. Mr Leader suggested
that a special meeting of the Council might be called to discuss the appointment again
in accordance with 'whatever process might be agreed to be more appropriate than
that which was followed'. Mr Leader's letter records that the Mayor and Cabinet had no
confidence in him as Interim Chief Executive, did not recognise him as Head of Paid
Service, and that they did not wish him to attend any formal meeting of the Council at
which Mayor or any member of Cabinet are present, and if he does so, they would
‘walk out’. The letter also contained a justification and reiteration of the appointment
process, including Paragraph 20 point (v): ‘Whether or not the Council had been
presented with making an express choice between two candidates, namely myself and
Robin [Mr Hooper], or proceeded as it did, the result would have been exactly the
same: Robin would have lost by a significant number of votes. The process was thus
fair'.
18 The above letter was leaked to the media, further damaging the Council's already poor
reputation.
19 Following the 18 January meeting, Mr Harvey, by now Interim Monitoring Officer
(because Mr Leader could not be Monitoring Officer as well as Head of Paid Service)
and Ms Leigh sought external legal advice from Wragge & Co with expertise in local
government law issues. This advice, sent to Ms Leigh on 1 February, was clear. It
responded to both the procedural and substantive objections to the process the
Council had undertaken on 18 January that had been raised by members of the
Cabinet. The view of the lawyer was that ‘the procedural objections can not be lightly
discarded. They appear to be serious, honestly held and substantial in terms of the
importance of the appointment’. The lawyer also stated in discussing the substantive
objections, ‘Members must consider with great care how the Council’s interest can lie
in appointing to the post of Chief Executive, a candidate with whom the directly elected
Mayor says he cannot work with’[sic].
20 The legal advice also suggested two further defects with the procedure adopted on
18 January. The Council Constitution was defective in not including within the COAC a
voting member of the Executive (in other words, the Mayor or a Cabinet member).
Secondly, the resolution of the Council on 18 January was not effective because
statutory consultation and objection to any proposed appointment had not taken place.
Both procedural requirements are contained in the Local Authorities (Standing Orders)
(England) Regulations 2001.
21 A further extraordinary meeting of the Council was required to discuss this advice. In
the meantime the former Interim Chief Executive assumed the title of Acting
Chief Executive (Designate).

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 34

Appendix 2 – Detailed evidence supporting former Interim Chief Executive section
22 The Extraordinary Meeting on 3 February 2010 was another difficult meeting. Both the
Interim Monitoring Officer and the partner from Wragge & Co spoke to the meeting.
Both advised the Council to refer the process back to COAC and get them to rehearse
and decide on the procedural and substantive objections to the process adopted on
18 January. It is unclear, had this happened, whether COAC would have been
reconstituted to include a member of the Executive, but in any event it was immaterial,
because full Council declined to send these issues back to COAC. The meeting took
six and a half hours to hear each objection, and included 37 votes to conclude on
them. After this, the appointment of Mr Leader was re-affirmed.
23 The Interim Monitoring Officer, in our view showing considerable courage, again
suggested to the meeting that in the interests of the Council they should consider
whether they should approve a Chief Executive in whom the Mayor had expressed no
confidence. The Council did not heed this advice and proceeded to reaffirm their
support for the Acting Chief Executive (Designate). We have so far been unable to find
any minutes of this meeting.


35 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 3 – Staff survey results
Appendix 3 – Staff survey results
1 One thousand, four hundred results, from 4,000 staff surveyed, in two weeks,
22 February onwards.

Agree
strongly Agree Disagree Disagree
strongly Don’t
know
Leadership, Culture and Standards of Conduct
There is clear and effective
leadership within the Council by
the Mayor
1.2 13.4 35.6 31.9 16.6
There is clear and effective
leadership within the Council by
councillors
0.6 16.3 39.6 20.8 21.3
There is clear and effective
leadership within the Council by
senior officers
4.9 42.2 28.9 12.5 10.1
The Council is an effective
leader of the wider community
and other partners
2.6 41.4 27.0 8.6 18.9
The Council’s culture promotes
mutual respect between
councillors and staff
2.4 31.0 35.6 17.1 12.6
The Council champions and
encourages people to ‘blow the
whistle’ when appropriate
3.1 41.8 24.6 14.6 14.4
The Council champions and
encourages anti-bullying 8.1 54.4 18.1 8.3 9.4
The Cabinet in Doncaster
Metropolitan Borough Council
champions good working
practices
2.5 29.0 24.4 11.3 31.1
Scrutiny Committee councillors
in Doncaster Metropolitan
Borough Council champion
good working
1.9 30.3 16.3 5.6 44.6
Other councillors, not included
above, at Doncaster
Metropolitan Borough Council
champion good working
1.3 25.8 18.4 5.6 47.3

Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 36

Appendix 3 – Staff survey results

Agree
strongly Agree Disagree Disagree
strongly Don’t
know
Senior officers at Doncaster
Metropolitan Borough Council
champion good working
practices
5.8 52.0 19.8 6.8 14.3
Clarity of aims and expectations
I think the Council has a clear
vision of what it wants to
achieve for the people of
Doncaster
6.1 46.3 28.6 11.9 5.9
I understand how my personal
performance contributes to the
overall performance of the
Council
23.4 62.1 8.6 1.9 2.6
I understand what Doncaster
Metropolitan Borough Council is
seeking to achieve
9.8 51.3 23.8 5.4 7.1
I get regular feedback on my
performance, which is fair 14.9 54.4 19.7 7.9 1.6
I have an agreed set of targets
which are related to the
council’s vision
12.9 55.0 19.9 5.4 5.5
Community focus
The Council understands the
needs of all people in Doncaster 3.0 36.9 32.3 11.6 13.9
The Council understands the
opportunities for people in the
area
3.4 44.6 24.9 6.7 17.9
The Council works well, where
necessary, with partners to
deliver services
7.1 46.4 21.2 5.7 17.4
The Council is a good partner to
other organisations in Doncaster 7.1 44.9 14.9 5.0 25.5
Structures and processes
The Council has internal
structures and processes which
I think operate in an appropriate
way
3.4 35.1 32.8 14.1 9.7

37 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 3 – Staff survey results

Agree
strongly Agree Disagree Disagree
strongly Don’t
know
Internal control
The Council serves the public
well 4.9 55.1 25.6 5.2 7.7
The Council safeguards the
public’s interest at all times 4.3 38.6 33.3 7.3 15.3
The Council ensures projects
are properly resourced 2.2 23.9 38.1 16.0 18.5
The Council ensures projects
are rigorously managed 3.1 28.9 33.1 11.3 22.5
Council services
All the services provided by
my Council are of high quality 1.9 23.8 49.1 9.0 14.8
The services provided by my
Department are of high quality 31.1 52.4 10.9 2.4 1.9
The quality of services
provided by all the Council
has got better in the last 12
months
6.4 32.1 26.6 7.5 26.1
The quality of services
provided by my Department
has got better in the last 12
months
18.0 45.2 21.2 5.1 9.1
I enjoy working for Doncaster
Metropolitan Borough Council 19.1 53.6 14.9 4.7 6.1



Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 38

Appendix 4 – Corporate governance inspection key lines of enquiry
Appendix 4 – Corporate
governance inspection key lines
of enquiry
Key Lines of Enquiry

1 Purpose and outcome
1.1 Is the organisation clear about its purpose and intended outcomes for citizens
and users?
1.2 Is the organisation achieving its desired outcomes?
1.3 Does the organisation’s leadership ensure that taxpayers receive value for
money?
2 Functions and roles
2.1 Is the organisation clear about the responsibilities of governors, officers and of
partnerships?
2.2 Is the organisation’s leadership working constructively together, and with
partners, to achieve their common purpose?
3 Values and behaviour
3.1 Are governors and staff putting the organisation’s values into practice and
working effectively within the ethical framework?
3.2 Are individual governors and staff behaving in ways that uphold and exemplify
effective governance within the organisation?
3.3 Is the organisation managing its complaints, whistleblowing and ombudsman
arrangements effectively, and is the leadership and organisation learning from
individual cases?
4 Decision making and risk management
4.1 Is the organisation rigorous and transparent about how and what decisions are
taken?
4.2 Do the organisation’s leadership and management use good-quality
information, advice and support to help reach decisions?
4.3 Does the organisation ensure that there is an effective risk-management
system which covers partnership working?

39 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 4 – Corporate governance inspection key lines of enquiry

5 Capacity and capability
5.1 Does the organisation make sure that governors and staff have the skills and
knowledge they need to perform well?
5.2 Does the organisation develop the capability of people with governance
responsibilities and evaluate their performance, as individuals and as groups,
including when working in partnerships?
5.3 Is the organisation governed and managed by an appropriate body of people?
6 Engagement
6.1 Does the organisation’s leadership understand formal and informal
accountability relationships?
6.2 Does the organisation take an active, effective and planned approach to
consultation, engagement and dialogue with and accountability to external
stakeholders, the public and users?
6.3 Does the organisation take an active and planned approach to responsibility
to staff?



Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 40

Appendix 5 – Details of work undertaken and interviews
Appendix 5 – Details of work
undertaken and interviews

Work undertaken Coverage
Document reviews Council key documents
Various external legal guidance to the Council
Partner key documents
Previous governance reports
Previous reports of District Auditor
Previous reports of IDeA

Staff Survey See Appendix 2
Interviews Mayor
Cabinet
Key councillors
Interim Chief Executive
All chief officers
Interim Monitoring Officer
Trade unions
Partners (primary care trust, St Leger Homes,
police)
Regional Development Agency
Government Office, Yorkshire and Humberside)
Previous Mayor and previous Council staff
Representatives of some black and minority
ethnic communities
Members of parliament

Focus groups Public Focus Group
Staff focus groups: general, and children and
young people
Voluntary and community sector



41 Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council

Appendix 5 – Details of work undertaken and interviews
The inspection team comprised the following.

David Jennings Audit Commission Team leader
Marion Talbot Audit Commission Team member
Elaine Nicholson and
Cathy Purnell Audit Commission Area team support officers
Rosemary Matthews Ofsted Team member
Tim Shields Chief Executive of Hackney
London Borough of
Hackney
Peer officer
Graham Chapman Deputy Leader Nottingham
City Council Peer member





Doncaster Metropolitan Borough Council 42


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